March 31, 1905-November 17, 1906
THE MOROCCO QUESTION
Tangier, March 31, 1905
On the 8th of April, 1904, an entente which had settled all outstanding questions between France and Great Britain and gave to Great Britain a free hand in Egypt and to France a free hand in Morocco was formally signed in London. The German Government officially declared that the settlement between France and Great Britain concerned only these two countries; but the Pan-German Society, the Colonial Society, and the Navy League began so insistent an agitation that the government changed its attitude and the Emperor here declares in no uncertain terms that what Germany undertakes in Morocco will be done exclusively with the "sovereign Sultan." Germany was evidently picking a quarrel with France over Morocco, with or without warrant, as the case may be, and was trying to ascertain, it is generally believed, the closeness of the relationship between France and Great Britain. The large commercial interests of which the Emperor speaks were fairly negligible; though he doubtless had the right to protect it, Germany's yearly trade there did not amount to as much as that of an ordinary department store or of a fairly successful merchant. For the previous eight years it averaged less than half a million dollars annually. Her course here has usually been regarded as unnecessarily belligerent.
True to his policy of personal diplomacy, the Emperor suddenly appeared at Tangier and while there made his speech to the German colony.
The whole question was taken up at the conference of Algeciras in 1906. Although the policy of "the open door," which protected Germany's commercial interests was guaranteed, the very general storm of protest in Germany, especially on the part of the war party and Navy League, showed that she had entered the contest with more serious intentions. World policy by aggressive interference had already been initiated when, in the Spanish-American War, the German Admiral Diedrichs started to hamper the operations of the American fleet at Manila. Morocco was looked upon by some, Doctor Liman, for instance, as a second defeat. In the Algeciras conference Italy sided with France and England. Italy had been continuing as a member of the Triple Alliance partly through fear that the French would annex Tripoli, which Italy desired. England and France had now privately agreed to give Italy a free hand. She sided with them and it was evident that her vital interests in the Triple Alliance had been considerably lessened. As England and Russia were also settling all their Eastern points of difference, Germany began to be conscious of her isolation, which had been largely a result of her attitude and unfortunate diplomacy.
I am pleased to make the acquaintance of the pioneers of Germany in Morocco and to be able to tell them that they have done their duty.
Germany has great commercial interests here. I shall advance and protect our commerce, which shows a satisfying increase, and for that reason shall insist upon equal rights with all powers, which is only possible through the sovereignty of the Sultan and the independence of the country. For Germany both of these must be unquestioned, and I am, therefore, ready to intervene for them at all times.
I hope that my visit in Tangier declares this plainly and emphatically and that it will call forth the conviction that what Germany undertakes in Morocco will be negotiated exclusively with the sovereign Sultan.
THE GREAT ALLY
September 8, 1906
On this date the Emperor and his four sons dedicated a monument to Frederick the Great on the site of his famous bivouac at Bunzelwitz. In the evening he addressed a banquet in Breslau, in which he took up especially the services of the Silesians to the crown. He particularly recalls the support they gave Frederick William III in 1813, at the lowest ebb of that King's fortunes. Divisions of patriotic volunteers, "free corps," were organized in the province, who, not being Prussians, could not serve in the Prussian line. The best known of these was that of Lützow, to which the poet Theodor K?rner belonged. It is from one of his most famous war-songs that the quotation in the Emperor's speech is taken. The manner in which he speaks of the coronation of his grandfather "by the will of Heaven" and with no mention of the Constitution, is to be found in several of his speeches, notably the address at K?nigsberg (August 25, 1910). Most of these speeches were made in his hereditary provinces, Prussia, Silesia, and Brandenburg, and aroused considerable protest in other parts of Germany.
My Dear President:
With a heart deeply moved, I take the opportunity to-day to speak as sovereign Duke of Silesia to my Silesians, for the impressions which have been showered upon me during the short time that I have been among you are of so powerful and compelling a nature that words fail me to express them or to find the proper form for the thanks which I would like to communicate to my people of Silesia. I do not refer only to yesterday's demonstrations, which surpassed, if that were possible, the jubilations on the day of my entrance. And I do not mean only those on the part of the old soldiers in black uniforms with their military decorations on their breasts, who can say, "We have been present at the time when history was made," and who dare pride themselves on having been fellows in arms of the great Emperor and his noble son, my father, whose heart, as is known to all of you, beat high for Silesia, but I mean to-day, on my journey through the green Silesian country to Bunzelwitz, Schweidnitz, and Rogau and back-everywhere I have found the same warmth, the same glowing, burning enthusiasm. It is the old Silesian loyalty which breaks forth and which proves the appreciation on the part of the people for what the house of Hohenzollern has done for them. This loyalty is rooted in ground specially consecrated by history. For who will deny that the province of Silesia, almost more than any other, stands in closest union with the history of our Fatherland and of our house? And, especially, how could any one speak of the development of Silesia without first thinking of the one powerful figure of whom the grenadiers sang from the Rhine to the Oder: "Fredericus Rex, our King and leader"? Wherever we look over the plains of Silesia rise the memories of him, of the incomparable battles through which he made Prussia a world-power, and also of the splendid work of peace in which he sought to raise and strengthen the sorely oppressed country. And again in later times it was precisely to Silesia that it was reserved to send a new ray of hope to that sorely tried Hohenzollern King, Frederick William III, when he encountered the ardent enthusiasm of the first volunteers in Breslau, when the first raising of troops took place here, and when the "wild, dashing Lützow hunters" started in their career against the enemy at the Zobten. And so it has been ever since. The sons of Silesia have fought whenever it was a question of coming forward and sacrificing their blood for the Fatherland. And so it may be very well said that the history of our house is indissolubly bound up with that of Silesia, one of her most beautiful provinces. And when we glance back over this great history we can characterize it with the phrase which my great departed grandfather used when, after fierce conflicts, through the will of Heaven the imperial crown was set upon his brow: "God was with us, and His be the honor!" And when I stop to think how the flags of the veterans passed me with proud bearing I believe that we can apply this to the present and thank God that He has disposed everything for the good and profit of this province and of our house; above all, for the fact that it has been granted us to carry out our work in peace. But if God was with us we ought earnestly to ask the question whether we were worthy of His help. Has every one among us also done his part by offering up his thought, his health, and strength to carry on and develop the legacy which was bequeathed to us by the past? If every one with his hand upon his heart asks himself this question sincerely, many a man will find it difficult to answer. And then, gentlemen, let us draw a lesson from the personality of the great King and decide where it was that we have failed in the work, where we have allowed our spirits to flag, and where dark thoughts and fears have bewildered our minds. Away with them! And just as the great King was never left in the lurch by the old Ally, so our Fatherland and this beautiful province will always be near His heart. And so out of the beautiful circle of memories and of golden loyalty which I have here encountered, let us coin a new vow: from this time on, through offering up our strength of soul and body, we will devote ourselves to the task of urging our country forward, of working for our people; and every one, according to his position, whether high or low, will do this; and the various creeds will unite to check unbelief; and above all things, for the future, we shall keep our vision clear and never despair of ourselves or of our people. The world belongs to the living, and the living are right. I cannot endure pessimists, and whoever does not take part in the work let him depart and, if he likes, seek out a better country. But I expect from my Silesians that they to-day will unite in the decision to be ever mindful of their great aims and examples, that they will follow their Duke, especially in his work of peace for his people. In this hope, I empty my glass to the health of the province of Silesia and of all faithful Silesians.
OPTIMISM AND LITERATURE
Münich, November 12, 1906
One of the men of letters whom the Emperor has been particularly delighted to honor and in whom he sees one of the glories of German literature is Doctor Ludwig Ganghofer, who is certainly not more than an able writer of the second rank. After a performance in the Hoftheater in Münich the Emperor expressed the desire to see him, and the following conversation took place which was reported in a confusing combination of direct and indirect quotation.
The Emperor said that he had recently read the "Hohen Schein" and spoke at some length about it, going over the content and thought of the book. From the way in which he spoke about it one could see how intensely he was occupied with one thing in particular.
What pleased him especially in the book was the optimistic tone which pervaded it, the preaching which stimulated belief in life, and the manner of accepting the misfortunes of existence, as well as the trust in the future and trust in humanity. "This," said the Emperor, "makes such an impression upon me because I am an optimist through and through and will allow nothing to prevent me from remaining one to the end of my days." He spoke of himself as a man full of his work and one who believed in his tasks. He said further: "I will go forward. I would greatly rejoice if men would understand me and would support me in my desires." In this connection he spoke of the difficulty every one encountered in his work on account of distrust. He again recalled a passage from Ganghofer's "Schweigen im Walde" which had also especially appealed to him because it had expressed his own point of view concerning life. The passage runs: "He who distrusts, commits a wrong against another and harms himself. It is our duty to believe that every man is good so long as he does not give proof to the contrary." "On this basis," said the Emperor, "I have always accepted every man with whom I had anything to do. One may sometimes meet with unpleasant experiences, but on that account he dare not give up. One must always go on again with new trust in humanity and in life."
The Emperor then directed the conversation to a tablet which he had had made and which contained, besides the above-mentioned quotation, certain aphorisms of a like tenor from Ganghofer's novels.
These quotations appealed to him so strongly because they expressed entirely his attitude toward life. With a good bit of optimism and a bright and trustful outlook a man will go much further, not only in his own personal life but in his vocation also, than he will if he looks upon all things with a pessimistic eye; and even in politics the case is the same. The German people certainly have a future, and there is one word, "Reichsverdrossenheit" [sullenness toward imperial destiny], which always offends him as often as he hears it. "What have we to do with sullenness? Rather work and look forward. I work-yes, not unwillingly-and I believe that I progress."
In connection with this word, the Emperor described the way in which he worked every day and told how the difficulty of the many duties and tasks which stormed in upon him often made him very weary. It was at such times that the need overcame him to get out of harness and see another part of the world, to become acquainted with other men who stimulated him again. Thus, his journeys to the north always invigorated him both mentally and physically.
The Emperor described earnestly and vividly how such a journey gradually rested and refreshed him. In the first days there was of course an abundance of work. Telegrams and letters came even to the boat, and he and those about him could not leave work for long. Then it became gradually more restful and solitary until eventually he found complete rest and could give himself up to the glories of nature. He then gave lively descriptions of his journeys, of the special beauties of the fjords, and of his impression of the midnight sun. He spoke especially of his pleasure at the simplicity and the cordiality of the people, who responded to him so naturally. Everything that oppressed him was cast aside for a few weeks-and yet the pleasures which he received were begrudged him by many people. He knew that he had always been called the "travelling Emperor," but he had always taken it lightly and had not allowed his pleasure to be spoiled by it. We discover friends in travelling, even in our own home. He believed that the feeling of interdependence was strengthened in that way and added that there were many Germans who did not know how beautiful their own land was and how much there was to be seen in it. He always rejoiced when he had learned to know a new portion of Germany. The south especially seemed to him beautiful, and he was very much drawn to it by the manner of life there. He always remembered, he said, with particular pleasure a journey which he had made many years before to Berchtesgaden and the beautiful days which he had been allowed to spend in the hills behind it with his uncle, the Duke of Coburg. If only travelling were not accompanied by so many inconveniences! It was always necessary to take along so many paraphernalia. Often he longed to seat himself in an automobile and go whizzing off for a few days, to return satisfied and ready to work again. And such refreshment was necessary in a serious calling like his own-doubly necessary because he had to fight so much misunderstanding; it was a thankless situation, because no one ever gave him credit for being independent. If he succeeded in anything, then all the world asked: "Who advised him?" If he was unsuccessful, then they said: "He did not understand it." "What in the cases of other princes is accepted as self-evident becomes in mine a matter of debate. And, nevertheless, the one answer is: 'Because I wish the good of the German Empire and of the German people.'
"Many times also I meet with pleasant experiences-and most often on these very journeys which are made such a reproach to me." So the days in Münich would remain an untroubled joy to him which he would never forget. The warmth and heartiness in the behavior of the population as well as the beautiful picture, gay with color, of the city in its artistic decorations had completely charmed him.
The conversation then turned upon several questions of literature and politics. The Emperor also related some anecdotes concerning his own family, and here the intimacy with which he spoke was particularly agreeable. He said merely, "my wife" and "my Buben" [boys]. In a particularly sincere manner the Emperor spoke of our regents, whose energy and self-sacrifice in such trying days he lauded, and expressed the wish that the Great Prince might preserve us all for a long time to come.
TWENTY-FIVE YEARS OF LABOR LEGISLATION
November 17, 1906
The policy of introducing legislation in the interest of the laboring classes may be said to have been inaugurated by Emperor William I in 1881. If one of its aims was to alleviate the condition of this class and to promote the welfare of Germany generally, another and perhaps its most important aim in Bismarck's eyes was to stem the growth of the Social Democratic party and bring about a greater sense of solidarity within the empire. In this latter aim of "taking the wind out of the sails" of the Social Democratic party it had not proved successful at the time of the accession of William II. He began his reign with the idea of making still further concessions and on this point broke with Bismarck. When these again failed to conciliate the Social Democrats, he took measures to legislate against them. He declared, as we have seen, on one occasion: "For me, every Social Democrat is synonymous with enemy of the nation and of the Fatherland." (May 14, 1889.) The fact that the party has continued to increase has always been a thorn in his side, and his attitude has been more or less contradictory with regard to the working classes; so that occasionally, as here, he seems to attempt to threaten and conciliate at the same time.
Twenty-five years ago to-day the late Emperor and King, William the Great, made his memorable announcement, and I welcome the opportunity of calling to mind with reverent gratitude this work of peace through which my noble ancestor inaugurated new lines of legislation for the protection of the economically weak. In obedience to his lofty will, with the hearty approval of the allied governments and the intelligent co-operation of the Reichstag, we succeeded in so advancing the difficult and multifarious development of the state's labor legislation, in the domain of sick, accident, and disability insurance, that those deserving help in their day of need now possess a regularly constituted legal claim. Thanks to the comprehensive acts of the realm and of the employers as well as to their own contributions, the laborers have hereby attained a much higher degree of security with regard to their means of livelihood and the support of their families. But the great and fruitful ideas in the imperial message have not only inaugurated this condition in our own Fatherland but have served as an epoch-making example far beyond her borders. Unfortunately, through lasting opposition in the very quarter which believes that it has a right to represent the interests of labor the fulfilment of the highest aims of the imperial message is being checked and delayed. Nevertheless, I believe that a recognition of what has been done and a growing realization of the limits of the economically possible will in all circles of the German people bring about its final triumph. Then the hope of Emperor William that the laboring man's insurance would be a lasting pledge of internal peace for the Fatherland will have been fulfilled. With this in mind, it is my firm will that legislation in the domain of social and political provisions should not cease, but that it should be carried out toward the fulfilling of the highest Christian duty with regard to the protection and the welfare of the weak and needy. But the task proposed by the spirit of the imperial message and its lofty framer cannot be carried out through merely legal acts and provisions. I gladly recognize to-day that in the German people there has never been a lack of men and women who willingly and joyfully gave up their strength in loving service for the good of their neighbor; and to all of those who devote themselves in unselfish sacrifice to the great social work of our time I express my imperial thanks.
I commission you to bring this decree to general notice.
Issued to the Imperial Chancellor, Donaueschingen, November 17, 1906.
William, I. R.
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