We in this country have grown accustomed to the existence of the
Prince of Wales, and his personality, real and fabulous, is not
unfamiliar on the other side of the Atlantic. But if we come to
think of it, it is a very strange phenomenon. The only way to
realise its immensity is to conceive its creation today, supposing
that heretofore through the history of England there had been
no such institution. A child is born in accidental circumstances
and with chance connections that might just as reasonably have
fallen to the lot of some other entity. He grows from childhood
through youth into manhood, and all the stages, with increasing
devotion and deference, he is made the object of reverential
solicitude. All his wants are provided for, even anticipated. He
is the first person to be considered wherever he goes. Men who
have won renown in Parliament, in the camp, in literature, doff
their hats at his coming, and high-born ladies curtsey.
It is all very strange; but so is the rising of the sun and the
sequence of the moon. We grow accustomed to everything and take
the Prince of Wales like the solar system as a matter of course.
Reflection on the singularity of his position leads to sincere
admiration of the manner in which the Prince fills it. Take it for
all in all, there is no post in English public life so difficult
to fill, not only without reproach, but with success. Day and night
the Prince lives under the bull's-eye light of the lantern of a
prying public. He is more talked about, written about, and pulled
about than any Englishman, except, perhaps, Mr. Gladstone. But Mr.
Gladstone stands on level ground with his countrymen. If he is
attacked or misrepresented, he can hit back again. The position of
the Prince of Wales imposes upon him the impassivity of the target
used in ordinary rifle practice. Whatever is said or written about
him, he can make no reply, and the happy result which in the main
follows upon this necessary attitude suggests that it might with
advantage be more widely adopted.
Probably in the dead, unhappy night when the rain was on the roof
and the Tranby Croft scandal was on everybody's tongue, the Prince
of Wales had some bad quarters of an hour. But whatever he felt or
suffered, he made no sign. To see him sitting in the chair on the
bench in court whilst that famous trial was proceeding, no one, not
having prior knowledge of the fact, would have guessed that he had
the slightest personal interest in the affair. There was danger of
his even over-doing the attitude of indifference. But he escaped it,
and was exactly as smiling, debonair and courtly as if he were in
his box at the theatre watching the development of some quite other
dramatic performance. He has all the courage of his race, and his
long training has steeled his nerves.
It would be so easy for the Prince of Wales to make mistakes that
would alienate from him the affection which is now his in unstinted
measure. There are plenty of precedents, and a fatal fulness of
exemplars. Take, for example, his relations with political life. It
would not be possible for him now, as a Prince of Wales did at the
beginning of the century, to form a Parliamentary party, and
control votes in the House of Commons by cabals hatched at
Marlborough House. But he might, if he were so disposed, in less
occult ways meddle in politics. As a matter of fact, noteworthy and
of highest honour to the Prince, the outside public have not the
slightest idea to which side of politics his mind is biassed. They
know all about his private life, what he eats, and how much; how he
dresses, whom he talks to, what he does from the comparatively
early hour at which he rises to the decidedly late one at which he
goes to bed. But in all the gossip daily poured forth about him
there is never a hint as to whether he prefers the politics of Tory
or Liberal, the company of Lord Salisbury or Mr. Gladstone.
In a country where every man in whatever station of life is a keen
politician, this is a great thing to say for one in the position of
the Prince of Wales.
This absolute impartiality of attitude does not arise from
indifference to politics or to the current of political warfare.
The Prince is a Peer of Parliament, sits as Duke of Cornwall, and
under that name figures in the division lists on the rare occasions
when he votes. When any important debate is taking place in the
House, he is sure to be found in his corner seat on the front Cross
Bench, an attentive listener. Nor does he confine his attention to
proceedings in the House of Lords. In the Commons there is no more
familiar figure than his seated in the Peers' Gallery over the
clock, with folded hands irreproachably gloved, resting on the
rail before him as he leans forward and watches with keen interest
the sometimes tumultuous scene.
Thus he sat one afternoon in the spring of the session of 1875. He
had come down to hear a speech with which his friend, Mr. Chaplin,
was known to be primed. The House was crowded in every part, a
number of Peers forming the Prince's suite in the gallery, while
the lofty figure of Count Munster, German Ambassador, towered at
his right hand, divided by the partition between the Peers'
Gallery and that set apart for distinguished strangers. It was a
great occasion for Mr. Chaplin, who sat below the gangway visibly
pluming himself and almost audibly purring in anticipation of
coming triumph. But a few days earlier the eminent orator had the
misfortune to incur the resentment of Mr. Joseph Gillis Biggar.
All unknown to him, Joseph Gillis was now lying in wait, and just
as the Speaker was about to call on the orator of the evening,
the Member for Cavan rose and observed,--
"Mr. Speaker, Sir, I believe there are strangers in the house."
The House of Commons, tied and bound by its own archaic
regulations, had no appeal against the whim of the indomitable
Joey B. He had spied strangers in due form, and out they must go.
So they filed forth, the Prince of Wales at the head of them, the
proud English Peers following, and by another exit the Envoy of the
most potent sovereign of the Continent, representative of a nation
still flushed with the overthrow of France--all publicly and
peremptorily expelled at the raising of the finger of an uneducated,
obscure Irishman, who, when not concerned with the affairs of the
Imperial Parliament, was curing bacon at Belfast and selling it at
enhanced prices to the Saxon in the Liverpool market.
The Prince of Wales bore this unparalleled indignity with the good
humour which is one of his richest endowments. He possesses in rare
degree the faculty of being amused and interested. The British
workman, who insists on his day's labour being limited by eight
hours, would go into armed revolt if he were called upon to toil
through so long a day as the Prince habitually faces. Some of its
engagements are terribly boring, but the Prince smiles his way
through what would kill an ordinary man. His manner is charmingly
unaffected, and through all the varying duties and circumstances of
the day he manages to say and do the right thing. It is not a heroic
life, but it is in its way a useful one, and must be exceedingly hard
to live.
Watching the Prince of Wales moving through an assemblage, whether
it be as he enters a public meeting or as he strolls about the
greensward at Marlborough House on the occasion of a garden party,
the observer may get some faint idea of the strain ever upon him. You
can see his eyes glancing rapidly along the line of the crowd in
search of some one whom he can make happy for the day by a smile or a
nod of recognition. If there were one there who might expect the
honour, and who was passed over, the Prince knows full well how sore
would be the heart-burning.
There is nothing prettier at the garden party than to see him walking
through the crowd of brave men and fair women with the Queen on his
arm. Her Majesty used in days gone by to be habile enough at the
performance of this imperative duty laid upon Royalty of singling
out persons for recognition. Now, when he is in her company, the
Prince of Wales does it for her. Escorting her, bare-headed,
through the throng; he glances swiftly to right or left, and when he
sees some one whom he thinks the Queen should smile upon he whispers
the name. The Queen thereupon does her share in contributing to the
sum of human happiness.
It is, as I began by saying, all very strange if we look calmly at it.
But, in the present order of things, it has to be done. It is the
Prince of Wales's daily work, and it is impossible to conceive it
accomplished with fuller appearance of real pleasure on the part of
the active agent.