Chapter 10 No.10

I come now to the means by which the War System can be overthrown. Here I shall unfold the tendencies and examples of nations, and the sacred efforts of individuals, constituting the Peace Movement, now ready to triumph,-with practical suggestions on our duties to this cause, and a concluding glance at the barbarism of Military Glory. In this review I cannot avoid details incident to a fruitfulness of topics; but I shall try to introduce nothing not bearing directly on the subject.

Civilization now writhes in travail and torment, and asks for liberation from oppressive sway. Like the slave under a weary weight of chains, it raises its exhausted arms, and pleads for the angel Deliverer. And, lo! the beneficent angel comes,-not like the Grecian God of Day, with vengeful arrows to slay the destructive Python,-not like the Archangel Michael, with potent spear to transfix Satan,-but with words of gentleness and cheer, saying to all nations, and to all children of men, "Ye are all brothers, of one flesh, one fold, one shepherd, children of one Father, heirs to one happiness. By your own energies, through united fraternal endeavor, will the tyranny of War be overthrown, and its Juggernaut in turn be crushed to earth."

In this spirit, and with this encouragement, we must labor for that grand and final object, watchword of all ages, the Unity of the Human Family. Not in benevolence, but in selfishness, has Unity been sought in times past,-not to promote the happiness of all, but to establish the dominion of one. It was the mad lust of power which carried Alexander from conquest to conquest, till he boasted that the whole world was one empire, with the Macedonian phalanx as citadel. The same passion animated Rome, till, at last, while Christ lay in a manger, this single city swayed a broader empire than that of Alexander. The Gospel, in its simple narrative, says, "And it came to pass in those days that there went out a decree from C?sar Augustus that all the world should be taxed." History recalls the exile of Ovid, who, falling under the displeasure of the same emperor, was condemned to close his life in melancholy longings for Rome, far away in Pontus, on the Euxine Sea. With singular significance, these two contemporaneous incidents reveal the universality of Roman dominion, stretching from Britain to Parthia. The mighty empire crumbled, to be reconstructed for a brief moment, in part by Charlemagne, in part by Tamerlane. In our own age, Napoleon made a last effort for Unity founded on Force. And now, from his utterances at St. Helena, the expressed wisdom of his unparalleled experience, comes the remarkable confession, worthy of constant memory: "The more I study the world, the more am I convinced of the inability of brute force to create anything durable." From the sepulchre of Napoleon, now sleeping on the banks of the Seine, surrounded by the trophies of battle, nay, more, from the sepulchres of all these departed empires, may be heard the words, "They that take the sword shall perish by the sword."

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Unity is the longing and tendency of Humanity: not the enforced Unity of military power; not the Unity of might triumphant over right; not the Unity of Inequality; not the Unity which occupied the soul of Dante, when, in his treatise De Monarchia, the earliest political work of modern times, he strove to show that all the world belonged to a single ruler, the successor of the Roman Emperor: not these; but the voluntary Unity of nations in fraternal labor; the Unity promised, when it was said, "There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female, for ye are all one in Christ Jesus"; the Unity which has filled the delighted vision of good men, prophets, sages, and poets, in times past; the Unity which, in our own age, prompted Béranger, the incomparable lyric of France, in an immortal ode, to salute the Holy Alliance of the Peoples,[318] summoning them in all lands, and by whatever names they may be called, French, English, Belgian, German, Russian, to give each other the hand, that the useless thunderbolts of War may all be quenched, and Peace sow the earth with gold, with flowers, and with corn; the Unity which prompted an early American diplomatist and poet to anticipate the time when nations shall meet in Congress,-

"To give each realm its limit and its laws,

Bid the last breath of dire contention cease,

And bind all regions in the leagues of Peace;

Bid one great empire, with extensive sway,

Spread with the sun, and bound the walks of day,

One centred system, one all-ruling soul,

Live through the parts, and regulate the whole";[319]

the Unity which inspired our contemporary British poet of exquisite genius, Alfred Tennyson, to hail the certain day,-

"When the war-drum throb no longer, and the battle-flags be furled,

In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World."[320]

Such is Unity in the bond of Peace. The common good and mutual consent are its enduring base, Justice and Love its animating soul. These alone can give permanence to combinations of men, whether in states or confederacies. Here is the vital elixir of nations, the true philosopher's stone of divine efficacy to enrich the civilization of mankind. So far as these are neglected or forgotten, will the people, though under one apparent head, fail to be really united. So far as these are regarded, will the people, within the sphere of their influence, constitute one body, and be inspired by one spirit. And just in proportion as these find recognition from individuals and from nations will War be impossible.

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Not in vision, nor in promise only, is this Unity discerned. Voluntary associations, confederacies, leagues, coalitions, and congresses of nations, though fugitive and limited in influence, all attest the unsatisfied desires of men solicitous for union, while they foreshadow the means by which it may be permanently accomplished. Of these I will enumerate a few. 1. The Amphictyonic Council, embracing at first twelve, and finally thirty-one communities, was established about the year 1100 before Christ. Each sent two deputies, and had two votes in the Council, which was empowered to restrain the violence of hostility among the associates. 2. Next comes the Ach?an League, founded at a very early period, and renewed in the year 281 before Christ. Each member was independent, and yet all together constituted one inseparable body. So great was the fame of their justice and probity, that the Greek cities of Italy were glad to invite their peaceful arbitration. 3. Passing over other confederacies of Antiquity, I mention next the Hanseatic League, begun in the twelfth century, completed in the middle of the thirteenth, and comprising at one time no less than eighty-five cities. A system of International Law was adopted in their general assemblies, and also courts of arbitration, to determine controversies among the cities. The decrees of these courts were enforced by placing the condemned city under the ban, a sentence equivalent to excommunication. 4. At a later period, other cities and nobles of Germany entered into alliance and association for mutual protection, under various names, as the League of the Rhine, and the League of Suabia. 5. To these I add the combination of Armed Neutrality in 1780, uniting, in declared support of certain principles, a large cluster of nations,-Russia, France, Spain, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, and the United States. 6. And still further, I refer to Congresses at Westphalia, Utrecht, Aix-la-Chapelle, and Vienna, after the wasteful struggles of War, to arrange terms of Peace and to arbitrate between nations.

These examples, belonging to the Past, reveal tendencies and capacities. Other instances, having the effect of living authority, show practically how the War System may be set aside. There is, first, the Swiss Republic, or Helvetic Union, which, beginning so long ago as 1308, has preserved Peace among its members during the greater part of five centuries. Speaking of this Union, Vattel said, in the middle of the last century, "The Swiss have had the precaution, in all their alliances among themselves, and even in those they have contracted with the neighboring powers, to agree beforehand on the manner in which their disputes were to be submitted to arbitrators, in case they could not adjust them in an amicable manner." And this publicist proceeds to testify that "this wise precaution has not a little contributed to maintain the Helvetic Republic in that flourishing condition which secures its liberty, and renders it respectable throughout Europe."[321] Since these words were written, there have been many changes in the Swiss Constitution; but its present Federal System, established on the downfall of Napoleon, confirmed in 1830, and now embracing twenty-five different States, provides that differences among the States shall be referred to "special arbitration." This is an instructive example. But, secondly, our own happy country furnishes one yet more so. The United States of America are a National Union of thirty different States,-each having peculiar interests,-in pursuance of a Constitution, established in 1788, which not only provides a high tribunal for the adjudication of controversies between the States, but expressly disarms the individual States, declaring that "no State shall, without the consent of Congress, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay." A third example, not unlike that of our own country, is the Confederation of Germany, composed of thirty-eight sovereignties, who, by reciprocal stipulation in their Act of Union, on the 8th of June, 1815, deprived each sovereignty of the right of war with its confederates. The words of this stipulation, which, like those of the Constitution of the United States, might furnish a model to the Commonwealth of Nations, are as follows: "The Confederate States likewise engage under no pretext to make war upon one another, nor to pursue their differences by force of arms, but to submit them to the Diet. The latter shall endeavor to mediate between the parties by means of a commission. Should this not prove successful, and a judicial decision become necessary, provision shall be made therefor through a well-organized Court of Arbitration, to which the litigants shall submit themselves without appeal."[322]

Such are authentic, well-defined examples. This is not all. It is in the order of Providence, that individuals, families, tribes, and nations should tend, by means of association, to a final Unity. A law of mutual attraction, or affinity, first exerting its influence upon smaller bodies, draws them by degrees into well-established fellowship, and then, continuing its power, fuses the larger bodies into nations; and nations themselves, stirred by this same sleepless energy, are now moving towards that grand system of combined order which will complete the general harmony:-

"Spiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per artus

Mens agitat molem, et magno se corpore miscet."[323]

History bears ample testimony to the potency of this attraction. Modern Europe, in its early periods, was filled with petty lordships, or communities constituting so many distinct units, acknowledging only a vague nationality, and maintaining, as we have already seen, the "liberty" to fight with each other. The great nations of our day have grown and matured into their present form by the gradual absorption of these political bodies.

Territories, once possessing an equivocal and turbulent independence, feel new power and happiness in peaceful association. Spain, composed of races dissimilar in origin, religion, and government, slowly ascended by progressive combinations among principalities and provinces, till at last, in the fifteenth century, by the crowning union of Castile and Aragon, the whole country, with its various sovereignties, was united under one common rule. Germany once consisted of more than three hundred different principalities, each with the right of war. These slowly coalesced, forming larger principalities; till at last the whole complex aggregation of states, embracing abbeys, bishoprics, archbishoprics, bailiwicks, counties, duchies, electorates, margraviates, and free imperial cities, was gradually resolved into the present Confederation, where each state expressly renounces the right of war with its associates. France has passed through similar changes. By a power of assimilation, in no nation so strongly marked, she has absorbed the various races and sovereignties once filling her territory with violence and conflict, and has converted them all to herself. The Roman or Iberian of Provence, the indomitable Celtic race, the German of Alsace, have all become Frenchmen,-while the various provinces, once inspired by such hostile passions, Brittany and Normandy, Franche-Comté and Burgundy, Gascony and Languedoc, Provence and Dauphiné, are now blended in one powerful, united nation. Great Britain, too, shows the influence of the same law. The many hostile principalities of England were first merged in the Heptarchy; and these seven kingdoms became one under the Saxon Egbert. Wales, forcibly attached to England under Edward the First, at last assimilated with her conqueror; Ireland, after a protracted resistance, was absorbed under Edward the Third, and at a later day, after a series of bitter struggles, was united, I do not say how successfully, under the Imperial Parliament; Scotland was connected with England by the accession of James the First to the throne of the Tudors, and these two countries, which had so often encountered in battle, were joined together under Queen Anne, by an act of peaceful legislation.

Thus has the tendency to Unity predominated over independent sovereignties and states, slowly conducting the constant process of crystallization. This cannot be arrested. The next stage must be the peaceful association of the Christian nations. In this anticipation we but follow analogies of the material creation, as seen in the light of chemical or geological science. Everywhere Nature is busy with combinations, exerting an occult incalculable power, drawing elements into new relations of harmony, uniting molecule with molecule, atom with atom, and, by progressive change, in the lapse of time, producing new structural arrangements. Look still closer, and the analogy continues. At first we detect the operation of cohesion, rudely acting upon particles near together,-then subtler influences, slowly imparting regularity of form,-while heat, electricity, and potent chemical affinities conspire in the work. As yet there is only an incomplete body. Light now exerts its mysterious powers, and all assumes an organized form. So it is with mankind. First appears the rude cohesion of early ages, acting only upon individuals near together. Slowly the work proceeds. But time and space, the great obstructions, if not annihilated, are now subdued, giving free scope to the powerful affinities of civilization. At last, light, thrice holy light, in whose glad beams are knowledge, justice, and beneficence, with empyrean sway will combine those separate and distracted elements into one organized system.

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Thus much for examples and tendencies. In harmony with these are efforts of individuals, extending through ages, and strengthening with time, till now at last they swell into a voice that must be heard. A rapid glance will show the growth of the cause we have met to welcome. Far off in the writings of the early Fathers we learn the duty and importance of Universal Peace. Here I might accumulate texts, each an authority, while you listened to Justin Martyr, Iren?us, Tertullian, Origen, Augustine, Aquinas. How beautiful it appears in the teachings of St. Augustine! How comprehensive the rules of Aquinas, who spoke with the authority of Philosophy and the Church, when he said, in phrase worthy of constant repetition, that the perfection of joy is Peace![324] But the rude hoof of War trampled down these sparks of generous truth, destined to flame forth at a later day. In the fifteenth century, The good Man of Peace was described in that work of unexampled circulation, translated into all modern tongues, and republished more than a thousand times, "The Imitation of Christ," by Thomas-à-Kempis.[325] A little later the cause found important support from the pen of a great scholar, the gentle and learned Erasmus. At last it obtained a specious advocacy from the throne. Henry the Fourth, of France, with the co?peration of his eminent minister, Sully, conceived the beautiful scheme of blending the Christian nations in one confederacy, with a high tribunal for the decision of controversies between them, and had drawn into his plan Queen Elizabeth, of England. All was arrested by the dagger of Ravaillac. This gay and gallant monarch was little penetrated by the divine sentiment of Peace; for at his death he was gathering materials for fresh War; and it is too evident that the scheme of a European Congress was prompted less by comprehensive humanity than by a selfish ambition to humble the House of Austria. Even with this drawback it did great good, by holding aloft before Christendom the exalted idea of a tribunal for the Commonwealth of Nations.

Universal Peace was not to receive thus early the countenance of Government. Meanwhile private efforts began to multiply. Grotius, in his wonderful work on "The Rights of War and Peace," while lavishing learning and genius on the Arbitrament of War, bears testimony in favor of a more rational tribunal. His virtuous nature, wishing to save mankind from the scourge of War, foreshadowed an Amphictyonic Council. "It would be useful, and in some sort necessary," he says,-in language which, if carried out practically, would sweep away the War System and all the Laws of War,-"to have Congresses of the Christian Powers, where differences might be determined by the judgment of those not interested in them, and means found to constrain parties into acceptance of peace on just conditions."[326] To the discredit of his age, these moderate words, so much in harmony with his other effort for the union of Christian sects, were derided, and the eminent expounder was denounced as rash, visionary, and impracticable. The sentiment in which they had their origin found other forms of utterance. Before the close of the seventeenth century, Nicole, the friend of Pascal, belonging to the fellowship of Port-Royal, and one of the highest names in the Church of France, gave to the world a brief "Treatise on the Means of preserving Peace among Men,"[327] which Voltaire, with exaggerated praise, terms "a masterpiece, to which nothing equal has been left to us by Antiquity." Next appeared a little book, which is now a bibliographical curiosity, entitled "The New Cineas,"[328]-after the pacific adviser of Pyrrhus, the warrior king of Epirus,-where the humane author counsels sovereigns to govern in Peace, submitting their differences to an established tribunal. In Germany, at the close of the seventeenth century, as we learn from Leibnitz, who mentions the preceding authority also, a retired general, who had commanded armies, the Land-grave Ernest of Hesse Rhinfels, in a work entitled "The Discreet Catholic," suggested a plan for Perpetual Peace by means of a tribunal established by associate sovereigns.[329] England testified also by William Penn, who adopted and enforced what he called the "great design" of Henry the Fourth. In a work entitled "An Essay towards the Present and Future Peace of Europe," the enlightened Quaker proposed a Diet, or Sovereign Assembly, into which the princes of Europe should enter, as men enter into society, for the love of peace and order,-that its object should be justice, and that all differences not terminated by embassies should be brought before this tribunal, whose judgment should be so far binding, that, in the event of contumacy, it should be enforced by the united powers.[330] Thus, by writings, as also by illustrious example in Pennsylvania, did Penn show himself the friend of Peace.

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These were soon followed in France by the untiring labors of the good Abbé Saint-Pierre,-the most devoted among the apostles of Peace, and not to be confounded with the eloquent and eccentric Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, author of "Paul and Virginia," who, at a later day, beautifully painted the true Fraternity of Nations.[331] Of a genius less artistic and literary, the Abbé consecrated a whole life, crowned with venerable years, to the improvement of mankind. There was no humane cause he did not espouse: now it was the poor; now it was education; and now it was to exhibit the grandeur and sacredness of human nature; but he was especially filled with the idea of Universal Peace, and the importance of teaching nations, not less than individuals, the duty of doing as they would be done by. This was his passion, and it was elaborately presented in a work of three volumes, entitled "The Project of Perpetual Peace,"[332] where he proposes a Diet or Congress of Sovereigns, for the adjudication of international controversies without resort to War. Throughout his voluminous writings he constantly returns to this project, which was a perpetual vision, and records his regret that Newton and Descartes had not devoted their exalted genius to the study and exposition of the laws determining the welfare of men and nations, believing that they might have succeeded in organizing Peace. He dwells often on the beauty of Christian precepts in government, and the true glory of beneficence, while he exposes the vanity of military renown, and does not hesitate to question that false glory which procured for Louis the Fourteenth the undeserved title of Great, echoed by flattering courtiers and a barbarous world. The French language owes to him the word Bienfaisance; and D'Alembert said "it was right he should have invented the word who practised so largely the virtue it expresses."[333]

Though thus of benevolence all compact, Saint-Pierre was not the favorite of his age. A profligate minister, Cardinal Dubois, ecclesiastical companion of a vicious regent in the worst excesses, condemned his efforts in a phrase of satire, as "the dreams of a good man." The pen of La Bruyère wantoned in a petty portrait of personal peculiarities.[334] Many turned the cold shoulder. The French Academy, of which he was a member, took from him his chair, and on the occasion of his death forbore the eulogy which is its customary tribute to a departed academician. But an incomparable genius in Germany,-an authority not to be questioned on any subject upon which he spoke,-the great and universal Leibnitz, bears his testimony to the "Project of Perpetual Peace," and, so doing, enrolls his own prodigious name in the catalogue of our cause. In observations on this Project, communicated to its author, under date of February 7, 1715, while declaring that it is supported by the practical authority of Henry the Fourth, that it justly interests the whole human race, and is not foreign to his own studies, as from youth he had occupied himself with law, and particularly with the Law of Nations, Leibnitz says: "I have read it with attention, and am persuaded that such a project, on the whole, is feasible, and that its execution would be one of the most useful things in the world. Although my suffrage cannot be of any weight, I have nevertheless thought that gratitude obliged me not to withhold it, and to join some remarks for the satisfaction of a meritorious author, who ought to have much reputation and firmness, to have dared and been able to oppose with success the prejudiced crowd, and the unbridled tongue of mockers."[335] Such testimony from Leibnitz must have been grateful to Saint-Pierre.

I cannot close this brief record of a philanthropist, constant in an age when War was more regarded than Humanity, without offering him an unaffected homage. To this faithful man may be addressed the sublime salutation which hymned from the soul of Milton:-

"Servant of God, well done! well hast thou fought

The better fight, who single hast maintained

Against revolted multitudes the cause

Of Truth, in word mightier than they in arms,

And for the testimony of truth hast borne

. . . reproach, far worse to bear

Than violence: for this was all thy care,

To stand approved in sight of God, though worlds

Judged thee perverse."[336]

Waking hereafter from its martial trance, the world will rejoice to salute the greatness of his career.[337] It may well measure advance in civilization by the appreciation of his character.

Contemporary with Saint-Pierre was another Frenchman, to whom I have already referred, who flashed his genius upon the game of War. La Bruyère exhibits men, for the sake of a piece of land more or less, agreeing among themselves to despoil, burn, and kill each other, even to cutting throats, and, for the doing of this more ingeniously and safely, inventing a beautiful system, known as the Art of War, to the practice of which is attached what is called Glory. The same satirist, who lived in an age of War, likens men to animals, even to dogs barking at each other, and then again to cats; and he furnishes a picture of the latter, counted by the thousand, and marshalled on an extended plain, where, after mewing their best, they throw themselves upon each other, tooth and nail, until nine or ten thousand of them are left dead on the field, infecting the air for ten leagues with an intolerable stench,-and all this for the love of Glory. But how, says the satirist, can we distinguish between those who use only tooth and nail and those others, who, first substituting lances, darts, and swords, now employ destructive balls, small and large, killing at once, while, penetrating a roof, they crash from garret to cellar, sacrificing even women and children? Wherein is the Glory?[338]

Saint-Pierre was followed by that remarkable genius, Jean Jacques Rousseau, in a small work with the modest title, "Extract from the Project of Perpetual Peace by the Abbé Saint-Pierre."[339] Without referring to those higher motives supplied by humanity, conscience, and religion, for addressing which to sovereigns Saint-Pierre incurred the ridicule of what are called practical statesmen, Rousseau appeals to common sense, and shows how much mere worldly interests would be promoted by submission to the arbitration of an impartial tribunal, rather than to the uncertain issue of arms, with no adequate compensation, even to the victor, for blood and treasure sacrificed. If this project fails, it is not, according to him, because chimerical, but because men have lost their wits, and it is a sort of madness to be wise in the midst of fools. As no scheme more grand, more beautiful, or more useful ever occupied the human mind, so, says Rousseau, no author ever deserved attention more than one proposing the means for its practical adoption; nor can any humane and virtuous man fail to regard it with enthusiasm.

The recommendations of Rousseau, reaching Germany, were encountered by a writer now remembered chiefly by this hardihood. I allude to Embser, who treats of Perpetual Peace in a work first published in 1779, under the title of "The Idolatry of our Philosophical Century,"[340] and at a later day with a new title, under the alias of the "Refutation of the Project of Perpetual Peace."[341] Objections common with the superficial or prejudiced are vehemently urged; the imputation upon Grotius is reproduced; and the project is pronounced visionary and impracticable, while War is exalted as an instrument more beneficent than Peace in advancing the civilization of mankind. At a later day Hegel gave the same testimony, thus contributing his considerable name to vindicate War.[342]

The cause of Saint-Pierre and Rousseau was not without champions in Germany. In 1763 we meet at G?ttingen the work of Totze, entitled "Permanent and Universal Peace, according to the Plan of Henry the Fourth";[343] and in 1767, at Leipsic, an ample and mature treatise by Lilienfeld, under the name of "New Constitution for States."[344] Truth often appears contemporaneously to different minds having no concert with each other; and the latter work, though in remarkable harmony with Saint-Pierre and Rousseau, is said to have been composed without any knowledge of their labors. Lilienfeld exposes the causes and calamities of War, the waste of armaments in time of Peace, and the miserable chances of the battle-field, where, in defiance of all justice, controversies are determined as by the throw of dice; and he urges submission to Arbitrators, unless, in their wisdom, nations establish a Supreme Tribunal with the combined power of the Confederacy to enforce its decrees.

It was the glory of another German, in intellectual pre?minence the successor of Leibnitz, to illustrate this cause by special and repeated labors. At K?nigsberg, in a retired corner of Prussia, away from the great lines of travel, Immanuel Kant consecrated his days to the pursuit of truth. During a long, virtuous, and disinterested life, stretching beyond the period appointed for man,-from 1724 to 1804,-in retirement, undisturbed by shock of revolution or war, never drawn by temptation of travel more than seven German miles from the place of his birth, he assiduously studied books, men, and things. Among the fruits of his ripened powers was that system of philosophy known as the "Critique of Pure Reason," by which he was at once established as a master-mind of his country. His words became the text for writers without number, who vied with each other in expounding, illustrating, or opposing his principles. At this period, after an unprecedented triumph in philosophy, when his name had become familiar wherever his mother-tongue was spoken, and while his rare faculties were yet untouched by decay, in the Indian Summer of life, the great thinker published a work "On Perpetual Peace."[345] Interest in the author, or in the cause, was attested by prompt translations into the French, Danish, and Dutch languages. In an earlier work, entitled "Idea for a General History in a Cosmopolitan View,"[346] he espoused the same cause, and at a later day, in his "Metaphysical Elements of Jurisprudence,"[347] he renewed his testimony. In the lapse of time the speculations of the philosopher have lost much of their original attraction; other systems, with other names, have taken their place. But these early and faithful labors for Perpetual Peace cannot be forgotten. Perhaps through these the fame of the applauded philosopher of K?nigsberg may yet be preserved.

By Perpetual Peace Kant understood a condition of nations where there could be no fear of War; and this condition, he said, was demanded by reason, which, abhorring all War, as little adapted to establish right, must regard this final development of the Law of Nations as a consummation worthy of every effort. The philosopher was right in proposing nothing less than a reform of International Law. To this, according to him, all persons, and particularly all rulers, should bend their energies. A special league or treaty should be formed, which may be truly called a Treaty of Peace, having this peculiarity, that, whereas other treaties terminate a single existing War only, this should terminate forever all War between the parties to it. A Treaty of Peace, tacitly acknowledging the right to wage War, as all treaties now do, is nothing more than a Truce, not Peace. By these treaties an individual War is ended, but not the state of War. There may not be constant hostilities; but there will be constant fear of hostilities, with constant threat of aggression and attack. Soldiers and armaments, now nursed as a Peace establishment, become the fruitful parent of new wars. With real Peace, these would be abandoned. Nor should nations hesitate to bow before the law, like individuals. They must form one comprehensive federation, which, by the aggregation of other nations, would at last embrace the whole earth. And this, according to Kant, in the succession of years, by a sure progress, is the irresistible tendency of nations. To this end nations must be truly independent; nor is it possible for one nation to acquire another independent nation, whether by inheritance, exchange, purchase, or gift. A nation is not property. The philosophy of Kant, therefore, contemplated not only Universal Peace, but Universal Liberty. The first article of the great treaty would be, that every nation is free.

These important conclusions found immediate support from another German philosopher, Fichte, of remarkable acuteness and perfect devotion to truth, whose name, in his own day, awakened an echo inferior only to that of Kant. In his "Groundwork of the Law of Nature,"[348] published in 1796, he urges a Federation of Nations, with a Supreme Tribunal, as the best way of securing the triumph of justice, and of subduing the power of the unjust. To the suggestion, that by this Federation injustice might be done, he replied, that it would not be easy to find any common advantage tempting the confederate nations to do this wrong.

The subject was again treated in 1804, by a learned German, Karl Schwab, whose work, entitled "Of Unavoidable Injustice,"[349] deserves notice for practical clearness and directness. Nothing could be better than his idea of the Universal State, where nations will be united, as citizens in the Municipal State; nor have the promises of the Future been more carefully presented. He sees clearly, that, even when this triumph of civilization is won, justice between nations will not be always inviolate,-for, unhappily, between citizens it is not always so; but, whatever may be the exceptions, it will become the general rule. As in the Municipal State War no longer prevails, but offences, wrongs, and sallies of vengeance often proceed from individual citizens, with insubordination and anarchy sometimes,-so in the Universal State War will no longer prevail; but here also, between the different nations, who will be as citizens in the Federation, there may be wrongs and aggressions, with resistance even to the common power. In short, the Universal State will be subject to the same accidents as the Municipal State.

The cause of Permanent Peace became a thesis for Universities. At Stuttgart, in 1796, there was an oration by J.H. La Motte, entitled Utrum Pax Perpetua pangi possit, nec ne? And at Leyden, in 1808, there was a Dissertation by Gabinus de Wal, on taking his degree as Doctor of Laws, entitled Disputatio Philosophico-Juridica, de Conjunctione Populorum ad Pacem Perpetuam.[350] This learned and elaborate performance, after reviewing previous efforts in the cause, accords a pre?minence to Kant. Such a voice from the University is the token of a growing sentiment, and an example for the youth of our own day.

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Meanwhile in England the cause was espoused by that indefatigable jurist and reformer, Jeremy Bentham, who embraced it in his comprehensive labors. In an Essay on International Law, bearing date 1786-89, and first published in 1839, by his executor, Dr. Bowring,[351] he develops a plan for Universal and Perpetual Peace in the spirit of Saint-Pierre. Such, according to him, is the extreme folly, the madness, of War, that on no supposition can it be otherwise than mischievous. All Trade, in essence, is advantageous, even to the party who profits by it the least; all War, in essence, is ruinous: and yet the great employments of Government are to treasure up occasions of War, and to put fetters upon Trade. To remedy this evil, Bentham proposes, first, "The reduction and fixation of the forces of the several nations that compose the European system"; and in enforcing this proposition, he says: "Whatsoever nation should get the start of the other in making the proposal to reduce and fix the amount of its armed force would crown itself with everlasting honor. The risk would be nothing, the gain certain. This gain would be the giving an incontrovertible demonstration of its own disposition to peace, and of the opposite disposition in the other nation, in case of its rejecting the proposal." He next proposes an International Court of Judicature, with power to report its opinion, and to circulate it in each nation, and, after a certain delay, to put a contumacious nation under the ban. He denies that this system can be styled visionary in any respect: for it is proved, first, that it is the interest of the parties concerned; secondly, that the parties are already sensible of this interest; and, thirdly, that, enlightened by diplomatic experience in difficult and complicated conventions, they are prepared for the new situation. All this is sober and practical.

* * *

Coming to our own country, I find many names for commemoration. No person, in all history, has borne his testimony in phrases of greater pungency or more convincing truth than Benjamin Franklin. "In my opinion," he says, "there never was a good War or a bad Peace"; and he asks, "When will mankind be convinced that all Wars are follies, very expensive, and very mischievous, and agree to settle their differences by arbitration? Were they to do it even by the cast of a die, it would be better than by fighting and destroying each other." Then again he says: "We make daily great improvements in natural, there is one I wish to see in moral philosophy,-the discovery of a plan that would induce and oblige nations to settle their disputes without first cutting one another's throats. When will human reason be sufficiently improved to see the advantage of this?"[352] As diplomatist, Franklin strove to limit the evils of War. To him, while Minister at Paris, belongs the honor of those instructions, more glorious for the American name than any battle, where our naval cruisers, among whom was the redoubtable Paul Jones, were directed, in the interest of universal science, to allow a free and undisturbed passage to the returning expedition of Captain Cook, the great circumnavigator, who "steered Britain's oak into a world unknown."[353] To him also belongs the honor of introducing into a treaty with Prussia a provision for the abolition of that special scandal, Private War on the Ocean.[354] In similar strain with Franklin, Jefferson says: "Will nations never devise a more rational umpire of differences than Force?... War is an instrument entirely inefficient towards redressing wrong; it multiplies, instead of indemnifying losses."[355] And he proceeds to exhibit the waste of War, and the beneficent consequences, if its expenditures could be diverted to purposes of practical utility.

To Franklin especially must thanks be rendered for authoritative words and a precious example. But there are three names, fit successors of Saint-Pierre,-I speak only of those on whose career is the seal of death,-which even more than his deserve affectionate regard. I refer to Noah Worcester, William Ellery Channing, and William Ladd. To dwell on the services of these our virtuous champions would be a grateful task. The occasion allows a passing notice only.

In Worcester we behold the single-minded country clergyman, little gifted as preacher, with narrow means,-and his example teaches what such a character may accomplish,-in humble retirement, pained by the reports of War, and at last, as the protracted drama of battles was about to close at Waterloo, publishing that appeal, entitled "A Solemn Review of the Custom of War," which has been so extensively circulated at home and abroad, and has done so much to correct the inveterate prejudices which surround the cause. He was the founder, and for some time the indefatigable agent, of the earliest Peace Society in the country.

The eloquence of Channing was often, both with tongue and pen, directed against War. He was heart-struck by the awful degradation it caused, rudely blotting out in men the image of God their Father; and his words of flame have lighted in many souls those exterminating fires that can never die, until this evil is swept from the earth.

William Ladd, after completing his education at Harvard University, engaged in commercial pursuits. Early, through his own exertions, blessed with competency, he could not be idle. He was childless; and his affections embraced all the children of the human family. Like Worcester and Channing, his attention was arrested by the portentous crime of War, and he was moved to dedicate the remainder of his days to earnest, untiring effort for its abolition,-going about from place to place inculcating the lesson of Peace, with simple, cheerful manner winning the hearts of good men, and dropping in many youthful souls precious seeds to ripen in more precious fruit. He was the founder of the American Peace Society, in which was finally merged the earlier association established by Worcester. By a long series of practical labors, and especially by developing, maturing, and publishing the plan of an International Congress, has William Ladd enrolled himself among the benefactors of mankind.

Such are some of the names which hereafter, when the warrior no longer usurps the blessings promised to the peacemaker, will be inscribed on immortal tablets.

Now, at last, in the fulness of time, in our own day, by the labors of men of Peace, by the irresistible cooperating affinities of mankind, nations seem to be visibly approaching-even amidst tumult and discord-that Unity so long hoped for, prayed for. By steamboat, railroad, and telegraph, outstripping the traditional movements of government, men of all countries daily commingle, ancient prejudices fast dissolve, while ancient sympathies strengthen, and new sympathies come into being. The chief commercial cities of England send addresses of friendship to the chief commercial cities of France; and the latter delight to return the salutation. Similar cords of amity are twined between cities in England and cities in our own country. The visit to London of a band of French National Guards is reciprocated by the visit to Paris of a large company of Englishmen. Thus are achieved pacific conquests, where formerly all the force of arms could not prevail. Mr. Vattemare perambulates Europe and the United States to establish a system of literary international exchanges. By the daily agency of the press we are sharers in the trials and triumphs of brethren in all lands, and, renouncing the solitude of insulated nationalities, learn to live in the communion of associated states. By multitudinous reciprocities of commerce are developed relations of mutual dependence, stronger than treaties or alliances engrossed on parchment,-while, from a truer appreciation of the ethics of government, we arrive at the conviction, that the divine injunction, "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you," was spoken to nations as well as to individuals.

From increasing knowledge of each other, and from a higher sense of duty as brethren of the Human Family, arises among mankind an increasing interest in each other; and charity, once, like patriotism, exclusively national, is beginning to clasp the world in its embrace. Every discovery of science, every aspiration of philanthropy, no matter what the country of its origin, is now poured into the common stock. Assemblies, whether of science or philanthropy, are no longer municipal merely, but welcome delegates from all the nations. Science has convened Congresses in Italy, Germany, and England. Great causes, grander even than Science,-like Temperance, Freedom, Peace,-have drawn to London large bodies of men from different countries, under the title of World Conventions, in whose very name and spirit of fraternity we discern the prevailing tendency. Such a convention, dedicated to Universal Peace, held at London in 1843, was graced by many well known for labors of humanity. At Frankfort, in 1846, was assembled a large Congress from all parts of Europe, to consider what could be done for those in prison. The succeeding year witnessed, at Brussels, a similar Congress, convened in the same charity. At last, in August, 1848, we hail, at Brussels, another Congress, inspired by the presence of a generous American, Elihu Burritt,-who has left his anvil at home to teach the nations how to change their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-hooks,-presided over by an eminent Belgian magistrate, and composed of numerous individuals, speaking various languages, living under diverse forms of government, various in political opinions, differing in religious convictions, but all moved by a common sentiment to seek the abolition of War, and the Disarming of the Nations.

The Peace Congress at Brussels constitutes an epoch. It is a palpable development of those international attractions and affinities which now await their final organization. The resolutions it adopted are so important that I cannot hesitate to introduce them.

"1. That, in the judgment of this Congress, an appeal to arms for the purpose of deciding disputes among nations is a custom condemned alike by religion, reason, justice, humanity, and the best interests of the people,-and that, therefore, it considers it to be the duty of the civilized world to adopt measures calculated to effect its entire abolition.

"2. That it is of the highest importance to urge on the several governments of Europe and America the necessity of introducing a clause into all International Treaties, providing for the settlement of all disputes by Arbitration, in an amicable manner, and according to the rules of justice and equity, by special Arbitrators, or a Supreme International Court, to be invested with power to decide in cases of necessity, as a last resort.

"3. That the speedy convocation of a Congress of Nations, composed of duly appointed representatives, for the purpose of framing a well-digested and authoritative International Code, is of the greatest importance, inasmuch as the organization of such a body, and the unanimous adoption of such a Code, would be an effectual means of promoting Universal Peace.

"4. That this Congress respectfully calls the attention of civilized governments to the necessity of a general and simultaneous disarmament, as a means whereby they may greatly diminish the financial burdens which press upon them, remove a fertile cause of irritation and inquietude, inspire mutual confidence, and promote the interchange of good offices, which, while they advance the interests of each state in particular, contribute largely to the maintenance of general Peace, and the lasting prosperity of nations."

In France these resolutions received the adhesion of Lamartine,-in England, of Richard Cobden. They have been welcomed throughout Great Britain, by large and enthusiastic popular assemblies, hanging with delight upon the practical lessons of peace on earth and good-will to men. At the suggestion of the Congress at Brussels, and in harmony with the demands of an increasing public sentiment, another Congress is called at Paris, in the approaching month of August. The place of meeting is auspicious. There, as in the very cave of ?olus, whence have so often raged forth conflicting winds and resounding tempests, are to gather delegates from various nations, including a large number from our own country, whose glad work will be to hush and imprison these winds and tempests, and to bind them in the chains of everlasting Peace.

Not in voluntary assemblies only has our cause found welcome. Into legislative halls it has made its way. A document now before me, in the handwriting of Samuel Adams, an approved patriot of the Revolution, bears witness to his desire for action on this subject in the Congress of the United States. It is in the form of a Letter of Instructions from the Legislature of Massachusetts to the delegates in Congress of this State, and, though without date, seems to have been prepared some time between the Treaty of Peace in 1783 and the adoption of the National Constitution in 1789. It is as follows.

"Gentlemen,-Although the General Court have lately instructed you concerning various matters of very great importance to this Commonwealth, they cannot finish the business of the year until they have transmitted to you a further instruction, which they have long had in contemplation, and which, if their most ardent wish could be obtained, might in its consequences extensively promote the happiness of man.

"You are, therefore, hereby instructed and urged to move the United States in Congress assembled to take into their deep and most serious consideration, whether any measures can by them be used, through their influence with such of the nations in Europe with whom they are united by Treaties of Amity or Commerce, that National Differences may be settled and determined without the necessity of War, in which the world has too long been deluged, to the destruction of human happiness and the disgrace of human reason and government.

"If, after the most mature deliberation, it shall appear that no measures can be taken at present on this very interesting subject, it is conceived it would redound much to the honor of the United States that it was attended to by their great Representative in Congress, and be accepted as a testimony of gratitude for most signal favors granted to the said States by Him who is the almighty and most gracious Father and Friend of mankind.

"And you are further instructed to move that the foregoing Letter of Instructions be entered on the Journals of Congress, if it may be thought proper, that so it may remain for the inspection of the delegates from this Commonwealth, if necessary, in any future time."[356]

I am not able to ascertain whether this document ever became a legislative act; but unquestionably it attests, in authentic form, that a great leader in Massachusetts, after the establishment of that Independence for which he had so assiduously labored, hoped to enlist not only the Legislature of his State, but the Congress of the United States, in efforts for the emancipation of nations from the tyranny of War. For this early effort, when the cause of Permanent Peace had never been introduced to any legislative body, Samuel Adams deserves grateful mention.

Many years later the subject reached Congress, where, in 1838, it was considered in an elaborate report by the late Mr. Legaré, in behalf of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives, prompted by memorials from the friends of Peace. While injudiciously discountenancing an Association of Nations, as not yet sanctioned by public opinion, the Committee acknowledge "that the union of all nations in a state of Peace, under the restraints and the protection of law, is the ideal perfection of civil society"; that they "concur fully in the benevolent object of the memorialists, and believe that there is a visible tendency in the spirit and institutions of the age towards the practical accomplishment of it at some future period"; that they "heartily concur with the memorialists in recommending a reference to a Third Power of all such controversies as can safely be confided to any tribunal unknown to the Constitution of our own country"; and that "such a practice will be followed by other powers, and will soon grow up into the customary law of civilized nations."[357]

The Legislature of Massachusetts, by a series of resolutions, in harmony with the early sentiments of Samuel Adams, adopted, in 1844, with exceeding unanimity, declare, that they "regard Arbitration as a practical and desirable substitute for War, in the adjustment of international differences"; and still further declare their "earnest desire that the government of the United States would, at the earliest opportunity, take measures for obtaining the consent of the powers of Christendom to the establishment of a general Convention or Congress of Nations, for the purpose of settling the principles of International Law, and of organizing a High Court of Nations to adjudge all cases of difficulty which may be brought before them by the mutual consent of two or more nations."[358] During the winter of 1849 the subject was again presented to the American Congress by Mr. Tuck, who asked the unanimous consent of the House of Representatives to offer the following preamble and resolution:-

"Whereas the evils of War are acknowledged by all civilized nations, and the calamities, individual and general, which are inseparably connected with it, have attracted the attention of many humane and enlightened citizens of this and other countries; and whereas it is the disposition of the people of the United States to co?perate with others in all appropriate and judicious exertions to prevent a recurrence of national conflicts; therefore,

"Resolved, That the Committee on Foreign Affairs be directed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing a correspondence to be opened by the Secretary of State with Foreign Governments, on the subject of procuring Treaty stipulations for the reference of all future disputes to a friendly Arbitration, or for the establishment, instead thereof, of a Congress of Nations, to determine International Law and settle international disputes."[359]

Though for the present unsuccessful, this excellent effort prepares the way for another trial.

Nor does it stand alone. Almost contemporaneously, M. Bouvet, in the National Assembly of France, submitted a proposition of a similar character, as follows:-

"Seeing that War between nations is contrary to religion, humanity, and the public well-being, the French National Assembly decrees:-

"The French Republic proposes to the Governments and Representative Assemblies of the different States of Europe, America, and other civilized countries, to unite, by their representation, in a Congress which shall have for its object a proportional disarmament among the Powers, the abolition of War, and a substitution for that barbarous usage of an Arbitral jurisdiction, of which the said Congress shall immediately fulfil the functions."

In an elaborate report, the French Committee on Foreign Affairs, while declining at present to recommend this proposition, distinctly sanction its object.

At a still earlier date, some time in the summer of 1848, Arnold Ruge brought the same measure before the German Parliament at Frankfort, by moving the following amendment to the Report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs:-

"That, as Armed Peace, by its standing armies, imposes an intolerable burden upon the people of Europe, and endangers civil freedom, we therefore recognize the necessity of calling into existence a Congress of Nations, for the purpose of effecting a general disarmament of Europe."

Though this proposition failed, yet the mover is reported to have sustained it by a speech which was received with applause, both in the assembly and gallery. Among other things, he used these important words:-

"There is no necessity for feeding an army of military idlers and eaters. There is nothing to fear from our neighbor barbarians, as they are called. You must give up the idea that the French will eat us up, and that the Prussians can eat us up. Soldiers must cease to exist; then shall no more cities be bombarded. These opinions must be kept up and propagated by a Congress of Nations. I vote that the nations of Europe disarm at once."

In the British Parliament the cause has found an able representative in Mr. Cobden, whose name is an omen of success. He has addressed many large popular meetings in its behalf, and already, by speech and motion in the House of Commons, has striven for a reduction in the armaments of Great Britain. Only lately he gave notice of the following motion, which he intends to call up in that assembly at the earliest moment:-

"That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to direct her Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to enter into communication with Foreign Powers, inviting them to concur in treaties binding the respective parties, in the event of any future misunderstanding which cannot be arranged by amicable negotiation, to refer the matter in dispute to the decision of Arbitrators."

Such is the Peace Movement.[360] With the ever-flowing current of time it has gained ever-increasing strength, and it has now become like a mighty river. At first but a slender fountain, sparkling on some lofty summit, it has swollen with every tributary rill, with the friendly rains and dews of heaven, and at last with the associate waters of various nations, until it washes the feet of populous cities, rejoicing on its peaceful banks. By the voices of poets,-by the aspirations and labors of statesmen, philosophers, and good men,-by the experience of history,-by the peaceful union into nations of families, tribes, and provinces, divesting themselves of "liberty" to wage War,-by the example of leagues, alliances, confederacies, and congresses,-by the kindred movements of our age, all tending to Unity,-by an awakened public sentiment, and a growing recognition of Human Brotherhood,-by the sympathies of large popular assemblies,-by the formal action of legislative bodies,-by the promises of Christianity, are we encouraged to persevere. So doing, we act not against Nature, but with Nature, making ourselves, according to the injunction of Lord Bacon, its ministers and interpreters. From no single man, from no body of men, does this cause proceed. Not from Saint-Pierre or Leibnitz, from Rousseau or Kant, in other days,-not from Jay or Burritt, from Cobden or Lamartine, in our own. It is the irrepressible utterance of the longing with which the heart of Humanity labors; it is the universal expression of the Spirit of the Age, thirsting after Harmony; it is the heaven-born whisper of Truth, immortal and omnipotent; it is the word of God, published in commands as from the burning bush; it is the voice of Christ, declaring to all mankind that they are brothers, and saying to the turbulent nationalities of the earth, as to the raging sea, "Peace, be still!"

* * *

Gentlemen of the Peace Society,-Such is the War System of the Commonwealth of Nations; and such are the means and auguries of its overthrow. To aid and direct public sentiment so as to hasten the coming of this day is the chosen object of this Society. All who have candidly attended me in this exposition will bear witness that our attempt is in no way inconsistent with the human character,-that we do not seek to suspend or hold in check any general laws of Nature, but simply to overthrow a barbarous Institution, having the sanction of International Law, and to bring nations within that system of social order which has already secured such inestimable good to civil society, and is as applicable to nations in their relations with each other as to individuals.

Tendencies of nations, as revealed in history, teach that our aims are in harmony with prevailing laws, which God, in his benevolence, has ordained for mankind.

Examples teach also that we attempt nothing that is not directly practicable. If the several States of the Helvetic Republic, if the thirty independent States of the North American Union, if the thirty-eight independent sovereignties of the German Confederation, can, by formal stipulation, divest themselves of the right of war with each other, and consent to submit all mutual controversies to Arbitration, or to a High Court of Judicature, then can the Commonwealth of Nations do the same. Nor should they hesitate, while, in the language of William Penn, such surpassing instances show that it may be done, and Europe, by her incomparable miseries, that it ought to be done. Nay, more,-if it would be criminal in these several clusters of States to re?stablish the Institution of War as Arbiter of Justice, then is it criminal in the Commonwealth of Nations to continue it.

Changes already wrought in the Laws of War teach that the whole System may be abolished. The existence of laws implies authority that sanctions or enacts, which, in the present case, is the Commonwealth of Nations. This authority can, of course, modify or abrogate what it originally sanctioned or enacted. In the exercise of this power, the Laws of War have been modified, from time to time, in important particulars. Prisoners taken in battle cannot now be killed; nor can they be reduced to slavery. Poison and assassination can no longer be employed against an enemy. Private property on land cannot be seized. Persons occupied on land exclusively with the arts of Peace cannot be molested. It remains that the authority by which the Laws of War have been thus modified should entirely abrogate them. Their existence is a disgrace to civilization; for it implies the common consent of nations to the Arbitrament of War, as regulated by these laws. Like the Laws of the Duel, they should yield to some arbitrament of reason. If the former, once so firmly imbedded in Municipal Law, could be abolished by individual nations, so also can the Laws of War, which are a part of International Law, be abolished by the Commonwealth of Nations. In the light of reason and religion there can be but one Law of War,-the great law which pronounces it unwise, unchristian, and unjust, and forbids it forever, as a crime.

Thus distinctly alleging the practicability of our aims, I may properly introduce an incontrovertible authority. Listen to the words of an American statesman, whose long life was spent, at home or abroad, in the service of his country, and whose undoubted familiarity with the Law of Nations was never surpassed,-John Quincy Adams. "War," he says, in one of the legacies of his venerable experience, "by the common consent and mere will of civilized man, has not only been divested of its most atrocious cruelties, but for multitudes, growing multitudes of individuals, has already been and is abolished. Why should it not be abolished for all? Let it be impressed upon the heart of every one of you, impress it upon the minds of your children, that this total abolition of War upon earth is an improvement in the condition of man entirely dependent on his own will. He cannot repeal or change the laws of physical Nature. He cannot redeem himself from the ills that flesh is heir to. But the ills of War and Slavery are all of his own creation; he has but to will, and he effects the cessation of them altogether."[361]

Well does John Quincy Adams say that mankind have but to will it, and War is abolished. Will it, and War disappears like the Duel. Will it, and War skulks like the Torture. Will it, and War fades away like the fires of religious persecution. Will it, and War passes among profane follies, like the ordeal of burning ploughshares. Will it, and War hurries to join the earlier institution of Cannibalism. Will it, and War is chastised from the Commonwealth of Nations, as Slavery has been chastised from municipal jurisdictions by England and France, by Tunis and Tripoli.

* * *

To arouse this public will, which, like a giant, yet sleeps, but whose awakened voice nothing can withstand, should be our endeavor. The true character of the War System must be exposed. To be hated, it needs only to be comprehended; and it will surely be abolished as soon as this is accomplished. See, then, that it is comprehended. Exhibit its manifold atrocities. Strip away all its presumptuous pretences, its specious apologies, its hideous sorceries. Above all, men must no longer deceive themselves by the shallow thought that this System is the necessary incident of imperfect human nature, and thus cast upon God the responsibility for their crimes. They must see clearly that it is a monster of their own creation, born with their consent, whose vital spark is fed by their breath, and without their breath must necessarily die. They must see distinctly, what I have so carefully presented to-night, that War, under the Law of Nations, is nothing but an Institution, and the whole War System nothing but an Establishment for the administration of international justice, for which the Commonwealth of Nations is directly responsible, and which that Commonwealth can at any time remove.

Recognizing these things, men must cease to cherish War, and will renounce all appeal to its Arbitrament. They will forego rights, rather than wage an irreligious battle. But, criminal and irrational as is War, unhappily, in the present state of human error, we cannot expect large numbers to appreciate its true character, and to hate it with that perfect hatred making them renounce its agency, unless we offer an approved and practical mode of determining international controversies, as a substitute for the imagined necessity of the barbarous ordeal. This we are able to do; and so doing, we reflect new light upon the atrocity of a system which not only tramples upon all the precepts of the Christian faith, but defies justice and discards reason.

* * *

1. The most complete and permanent substitute would be a Congress of Nations, with a High Court of Judicature. Such a system, while admitted on all sides to promise excellent results, is opposed on two grounds. First, because, as regards the smaller states, it would be a tremendous engine of oppression, subversive of their political independence. Surely, it could not be so oppressive as the War System. But the experience of the smaller States in the German Confederation and in the American Union, nay, the experience of Belgium and Holland by the side of the overtopping power of France, and the experience of Denmark and Sweden in the very night-shade of Russia, all show the futility of this objection. Secondly, because the decrees of such a court could not be carried into effect. Even if they were enforced by the combined power of the associate nations, the sword, as the executive arm of the high tribunal, would be only the melancholy instrument of Justice, not the Arbiter of Justice, and therefore not condemned by the conclusive reasons against international appeals to the sword. From the experience of history, and particularly from the experience of the thirty States of our Union, we learn that the occasion for any executive arm will be rare. The State of Rhode Island, in its recent controversy with Massachusetts, submitted with much indifference to the adverse decree of the Supreme Court; and I doubt not that Missouri and Iowa will submit with equal contentment to any determination of their present controversy by the same tribunal. The same submission would attend the decrees of any Court of Judicature established by the Commonwealth of Nations. There is a growing sense of justice, combined with a growing might of public opinion, too little known to the soldier, that would maintain the judgments of the august tribunal assembled in the face of the Nations, better than the swords of all the marshals of France, better than the bloody terrors of Austerlitz or Waterloo.

The idea of a Congress of Nations with a High Court of Judicature is as practicable as its consummation is confessedly dear to the friends of Universal Peace. Whenever this Congress is convened, as surely it will be, I know not all the names that will deserve commemoration in its earliest proceedings; but there are two, whose particular and long-continued advocacy of this Institution will connect them indissolubly with its fame,-the Abbé Saint-Pierre, of France, and William Ladd, of the United States.

* * *

2. There is still another substitute for War, which is not exposed even to the shallow objections launched against a Congress of Nations. By formal treaties between two or more nations, Arbitration may be established as the mode of determining controversies between them. In every respect this is a contrast to War. It is rational, humane, and cheap. Above all, it is consistent with the teachings of Christianity. As I mention this substitute, I should do injustice to the cause and to my own feelings, if I did not express our obligations to its efficient proposer and advocate, our fellow-citizen, and the President of this Society, the honored son of an illustrious father, whose absence to-night enables me, without offending his known modesty, to introduce this tribute: I mean William Jay.

* * *

The complete overthrow of the War System, involving the disarming of the Nations, would follow the establishment of a Congress of Nations, or any general system of Arbitration. Then at last our aims would be accomplished; then at last Peace would be organized among the Nations. Then might Christians repeat the fitful boast of the generous Mohawk: "We have thrown the hatchet so high into the air, and beyond the skies, that no arm on earth can reach to bring it down." Incalculable sums, now devoted to armaments and the destructive industry of War, would be turned to the productive industry of Art and to offices of Beneficence. As in the dead and rotten carcass of the lion which roared against the strong man of Israel, after a time, were a swarm of bees and honey, so would the enormous carcass of War, dead and rotten, be filled with crowds of useful laborers and all good works, and the riddle of Samson be once more interpreted: "Out of the eater came forth meat, and out of the strong came forth sweetness."

Put together the products of all the mines in the world,-the glistening ore of California, the accumulated treasures of Mexico and Peru, with the diamonds of Golconda,-and the whole shining heap will be less than the means thus diverted from War to Peace. Under the influence of such a change, civilization will be quickened anew. Then will happy Labor find its reward, and the whole land be filled with its increase. There is no aspiration of Knowledge, no vision of Charity, no venture of Enterprise, no fancy of Art, which may not then be fulfilled. The great unsolved problem of Pauperism will be solved at last. There will be no paupers, when there are no soldiers. The social struggles, so fearfully disturbing European nations, will die away in the happiness of unarmed Peace, no longer incumbered by the oppressive system of War; nor can there be well-founded hope that these struggles will permanently cease, so long as this system endures. The people ought not to rest, they cannot rest, while this system endures. As King Arthur, prostrate on the earth, with bloody streams pouring from his veins, could not be at ease, until his sword, the terrific Excalibar, was thrown into the flood, so the Nations, now prostrate on the earth, with bloody streams pouring from their veins, cannot be at ease, until they fling far away the wicked sword of War. King Arthur said to his attending knight, "As thou love me, spare not to throw it in"; and this is the voice of the Nations also.

Lop off the unchristian armaments of the Christian Nations, extirpate these martial cancers, that they may feed no longer upon the life-blood of the people, and society itself, now weary and sick, will become fresh and young,-not by opening its veins, as under the incantation of Medea, in the wild hope of infusing new strength, but by the amputation and complete removal of a deadly excrescence, with all its unutterable debility and exhaustion. Energies hitherto withdrawn from proper healthful action will then replenish it with unwonted life and vigor, giving new expansion to every human capacity, and new elevation to every human aim. And society at last shall rejoice, like a strong man, to run its race.

Imagination toils to picture the boundless good that will be achieved. As War with its deeds is infinitely evil and accursed, so will this triumph of Permanent Peace be infinitely beneficent and blessed. Something of its consequences were seen, in prophetic vision, even by that incarnate Spirit of War, Napoleon Bonaparte, when, from his island-prison of St. Helena, looking back upon his mistaken career, he was led to confess the True Grandeur of Peace. Out of his mouth let its praise be spoken. "I had the project," he said, mournfully regretting the opportunity he had lost, "at the general peace of Amiens, of bringing each Power to an immense reduction of its standing armies. I wished a European Institute, with European prizes, to direct, associate, and bring together all the learned societies of Europe. Then, perhaps, through the universal spread of light, it might be permitted to anticipate for the great European Family the establishment of an American Congress, or an Amphictyonic Council; and what a perspective then of strength, of greatness, of happiness, of prosperity! What a sublime and magnificent spectacle!"[362]

* * *

Such is our cause. In transcendent influence, it embraces human beneficence in all its forms. It is the comprehensive charity, enfolding all the charities of all. None so vast as to be above its protection, none so lowly as not to feel its care. Religion, Knowledge, Freedom, Virtue, Happiness, in all their manifold forms, depend upon Peace. Sustained by Peace, they lean upon the Everlasting Arm. And this is not all. Law, Order, Government, derive from Peace new sanctions. Nor can they attain to that complete dominion which is our truest safeguard, until, by the overthrow of the War System, they comprehend the Commonwealth of Nations,-

"And Sovereign LAW, the WORLD'S collected will,

O'er thrones and globes elate,

Sits empress, crowning good, repressing ill."[363]

In the name of Religion profaned, of Knowledge misapplied and perverted, of Freedom crushed to earth, of Virtue dethroned, of human Happiness violated, in the name of Law, Order, and Government, I call upon you for union to establish the supremacy of Peace. There must be no hesitation. With the lips you confess the infinite evil of War. Are you in earnest? Action must follow confession. All must unite to render the recurrence of this evil impossible. Science and Humanity everywhere put forth all possible energy against cholera and pestilence. Why not equal energy against an evil more fearful than cholera or pestilence? Each man must consider the cause his own. Let him animate his neighbors. Let him seek, in every proper way, to influence the rulers of the Nations, and, above all, the rulers of this happy land.

The old, the middle-aged, and the young must combine in a common cause. The pulpit, the school, the college, and the public street must speak for it. Preach it, minister of the Prince of Peace! let it never be forgotten in conversation, sermon, or prayer; nor any longer seek, by specious theory, to reconcile the monstrous War System with the precepts of Christ! Instil it, teacher of childhood and youth! in the early thoughts of your precious charge; exhibit the wickedness of War and the beauty of Peace; let your warnings sink deep among those purifying and strengthening influences which ripen into true manhood. Scholar! write it in your books, so that all shall read it. Poet! sing it, so that all shall love it. Let the interests of commerce, whose threads of golden tissue interknit the Nations, enlist the traffickers of the earth in its behalf. And you, servant of the law! sharer of my own peculiar toils, mindful that the law is silent in the midst of arms, join to preserve, uphold, and extend its sway. Remember, politician! that our cause is too universal to become the exclusive possession of any political party, or to be confined within any geographical limits. See to it, statesman and ruler! that the principles of Peace are as a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night. Let the Abolition of War, and the Overthrow of the War System, with the Disarming of the Nations, be your guiding star. Be this your pious diplomacy! Be this your lofty Christian statesmanship!

As a measure simple and practical, obnoxious to no objection, promising incalculable good, and presenting an immediate opportunity for labor, I would invite your co?peration in the effort now making at home and abroad to establish Arbitration Treaties. If in this scheme there is a tendency to avert War,-if, through its agency, we may hope to prevent a single war,-and who can doubt that such may be its result?-we ought to adopt it. Take the initiative. Try it, and nations will never return to the barbarous system. They will begin to learn War no more. Let it be our privilege to volunteer the proposal. Thus shall we inaugurate Permanent Peace in the diplomacy of the world. Nor should we wait for other governments. In a cause so holy, no government should wait for another. Let us take the lead. Let our republic, powerful child of Freedom, go forth, the Evangelist of Peace. Let her offer to the world a Magna Charta of International Law, by which the crime of War shall be forever abolished.

* * *

While thus encouraging you in behalf of Universal Peace, the odious din of War, mingled with pathetic appeals for Freedom, reaches us from struggling Italy, from convulsed Germany, from aroused and triumphant Hungary. At bidding of the Russian Autocrat, the populous North threatens to pour its multitudes upon the scene; and a portentous cloud, charged with "red lightning and impetuous rage," hangs over the whole continent of Europe, which echoes again to the tread of mustering squadrons. Alas! must this dismal work be renewed? Can Freedom be born, can nations be regenerated, only through baptism of blood? In our aspirations, I would not be blind to the teachings of History, or to the actual condition of men, so long accustomed to brute force, that, to their imperfect natures, it seems the only means by which injustice can be crushed. With sadness I confess that we cannot expect the domestic repose of nations, until tyranny is overthrown, and the principles of self-government are established; especially do I not expect imperturbable peace in Italy, so long as foreign Austria, with insolent iron heel, continues to tread any part of that beautiful land. But whatever may be the fate of the present crisis, whether it be doomed to the horrors of prolonged strife, or shall soon brighten into the radiance of enduring concord, I cannot doubt that the Nations are gravitating, with resistless might, even through fire and blood, into peaceful forms of social order, where the War System will cease to be known.

Nay, from the experience of this hour I draw the auguries of Permanent Peace. Not in any international strife, not in duel between nation and nation, not in selfish conflict of ruler with ruler, not in the unwise "game" of War, as played by king with king, do we find the origin of present commotions, "with fear of change perplexing monarchs." It is to overturn the enforced rule of military power, to crush the tyranny of armies, and to supplant unjust government,-whose only stay is physical force, and not the consent of the governed,-that the people have risen in mighty madness. So doing, they wage a battle where all our sympathies must be with Freedom, while, in sorrow at the unwelcome combat, we confess that victory is only less mournful than defeat. Through all these bloody mists the eye of Faith discerns the ascending sun, struggling to shoot its life-giving beams upon the outspread earth, teeming with the grander products of a new civilization. Everywhere salute us the signs of Progress; and the Promised Land smiles at the new epoch. His heart is cold, his eye is dull, who does not perceive the change. Vainly has he read the history of the Past, vainly does he feel the irrepressible movement of the Present. Man has waded through a Red Sea of blood, and for forty centuries wandered through a wilderness of wretchedness and error, but he stands at last on Pisgah: like the adventurous Spaniard, he has wearily climbed the mountain heights, whence he may descry the vast, unbroken Pacific Sea; like the hardy Portuguese, he is sure to double this fearful Cape of Storms, destined ever afterwards to be the Cape of Good Hope. I would not seem too confident. I know not, that, in any brief period, nations, like kindred drops, will commingle into one,-that, like the banyan-trees of the East, they will interlace and interlock, until there are no longer separate trees, but one united wood,

"a pillared shade

High overarched, and echoing walks between";

but I rest assured, that, without renouncing any essential qualities of individuality or independence, they may yet, even in our own day, arrange themselves in harmony; as magnetized iron rings,-from which Plato once borrowed an image,-under the influence of potent unseen attraction, while preserving each its own peculiar form, cohere in a united chain of independent circles. From the birth of this new order will spring not only international repose, but domestic quiet also; and Peace will become the permanent rule of civilization. The stone will be rolled away from the sepulchre in which men have laid their Lord, and we shall hear the new-risen voice, saying, in words of blessed truth, "Lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world."

* * *

Here I might fitly close. Though admonished that I have already occupied more of your time than I could venture to claim, except for the cause, I cannot forbear to consider, for a brief moment, yet one other topic, which I have left thus far untouched, partly because it is not directly connected with the main argument, and therefore seemed inappropriate to any earlier stage, and partly because I wished to impress it with my last words. I refer to that greatest, most preposterous, and most irreligious of earthly vanities, the monstrous reflection of War,-Military Glory.

Let me not disguise the truth. Too true it is that this vanity is still cherished by mankind,-that it is still an object of ambition,-that men follow War, and count its pursuit "honorable,"-that feats of brute force are heralded "brilliant,"-and that a yet prevailing public opinion animates unreflecting mortals to "seek the bubble reputation even in the cannon's mouth." Too true it is that nations persevere in offering praise and thanksgiving-such as no labors of Beneficence can achieve-to the chief whose hands are red with the blood of his fellow-men.

Whatever the usage of the world, whether during the long and dreary Past or in the yet barbarous Present, it must be clear to all who confront this question with candor, and do not turn away from the blaze of truth, that any glory from bloody strife among God's children must be fugitive, evanescent, unreal. It is the offspring of a deluded public sentiment, and will disappear, as we learn to analyze its elements and appreciate its character. Too long has mankind worshipped what St. Augustine called the splendid vices, neglecting the simple virtues,-too long cultivated the flaunting and noxious weeds, careless of the golden corn,-too long been insensible to that commanding law and sacred example which rebuke all the pretensions of military glory.

Look face to face at this "glory." Study it in the growing illumination of history. Regarding War as an established Arbitrament, for the adjudication of controversies among nations,-like the Petty Wars of an earlier period between cities, principalities, and provinces, or like the Trial by Battle between individuals,-the conclusion is irresistible, that an enlightened civilization, when the world has reached that Unity to which it tends, must condemn the partakers in its duels, and their vaunted achievements, precisely as we now condemn the partakers in those wretched contests which disfigure the commencement of modern history. The prowess of the individual is forgotten in disgust at an inglorious barbarism.

Observe this "glory" in the broad sunshine of Christian truth. In all ages, even in Heathen lands, there has been a peculiar reverence for the relation of Brotherhood. Feuds among brothers, from that earliest "mutual-murdering" conflict beneath the walls of Thebes, have been accounted ghastly and abhorred, never to be mentioned without a shudder. This sentiment was revived in modern times, and men sought to extend the circle of its influence. Warriors, like Du Guesclin, rejoiced to hail each other as brothers. Chivalry delighted in fraternities of arms sealed by vow and solemnity. According to curious and savage custom, valiant knights were bled together, that their blood, as it spurted forth, might intermingle, and thus constitute them of one blood, which was drunk by each. So did the powerful emperor of Constantinople confirm an alliance of friendship with a neighbor king. The two monarchs drank of each other's blood; and then their attendants, following the princely example, caught their own flowing life in a wine-cup, and quaffed a mutual pledge, saying, "We are brothers, of one blood."[364]

By such profane devices men sought to establish that relation, whose beauty they perceived, though they failed to discern, that, by the ordinance of God, without any human stratagem, it justly comprehended all their fellow-men. In the midst of Judaism, which hated Gentiles, Christianity proclaimed love to all mankind, and distinctly declared that God had made of one blood all the nations of men. As if to keep this sublime truth ever present, the disciples were taught, in the simple prayer of the Saviour, to address God as Father in heaven,-not in phrase of exclusive worship, "my Father," but in those other words of peculiar Christian import, "our Father,"-with the petition, not merely to "forgive me my trespasses," but with the diviner prayer, to "forgive us our trespasses": thus, in the solitude of the closet, recognizing all alike as children of God, and embracing all alike in the petition for mercy.

Confessing the Fatherhood of God, and the consequent Brotherhood of Man, we find a divine standard of unquestionable accuracy. No brother can win "glory" from the death of a brother. Cain won no "glory," when he slew Abel; nor would Abel have won "glory," had he, in strictest self-defence, succeeded in slaying the wicked Cain. The soul recoils from praise or honor, as the meed of any such melancholy triumph. And what is true of a conflict between two brothers is equally true of a conflict between many. How can an army win "glory" by dealing death or defeat to an army of its brothers?

The ancient Romans, not knowing this comprehensive relation, and recognizing only the exclusive fellowship of a common country, accounted civil war fratricidal, whose opposing forces, even under well-loved names of the Republic, were impious; and then, by unerring logic, these masters in War constantly refused "honor," "thanksgiving," or "triumph," to the conquering chief whose sword had been employed against fellow-citizens, though traitors and rebels. As the Brotherhood of Man is practically recognized, it becomes impossible to restrict the feeling within any exclusive circle of country, and to set up an unchristian distinction of honor between civil war and international war. As all men are brothers, so, by irresistible consequence, ALL WAR MUST BE FRATRICIDAL. And can "glory" come from fratricide? None can hesitate in answer, unless fatally imbued with the Heathen rage of nationality, that made the Venetians declare themselves Venetians first and Christians afterwards.

Tell me not of homage yet offered to the military chieftain. Tell me not of "glory" from War. Tell me not of "honor" or "fame" on its murderous fields. All is vanity. It is a blood-red phantom. They who strive after it, Ixion-like, embrace a cloud. Though seeming to fill the heavens, cloaking the stars, it must, like the vapors of earth, pass away. Milton likens the contests of the Heptarchy to "the wars of kites or crows flocking and fighting in the air."[365] But God, and the exalted judgment of the Future, must regard all our bloody feuds in the same likeness,-finding Napoleon and Alexander, so far as engaged in War, only monster crows and kites. Thus must it be, as mankind ascend from the thrall of brutish passion. Nobler aims, by nobler means, will fill the soul. There will be a new standard of excellence; and honor, divorced from blood, will become the inseparable attendant of good works alone. Far better, then, even in the judgment of this world, to have been a doorkeeper in the house of Peace than the proudest dweller in the tents of War.

There is a pious legend of the early Church, that the Saviour left his image miraculously impressed upon a napkin which had touched his countenance. The napkin was lost, and men attempted to supply the divine lineaments from the Heathen models of Jupiter and Apollo. But the true image of Christ is not lost. Clearer than in the venerated napkin, better than in color or marble of choicest art, it appears in each virtuous deed, in every act of self-sacrifice, in all magnanimous toil, in any recognition of Human Brotherhood. It will be supremely manifest, in unimagined loveliness and serenity, when the Commonwealth of Nations, confessing the True Grandeur of Peace, renounces the War System, and dedicates to Beneficence the comprehensive energies so fatally absorbed in its support. Then, at last, will it be seen, there can be no Peace that is not honorable, and no War that is not dishonorable.

[1] The classical student will be gratified and surprised by the remains of antiquity described by Dr. Shaw, English chaplain at Algiers in the reign of George the First, in his "Travels, or Observations relating to Several Parts of Barbary and the Levant," published in 1738.

[2] Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Chap. LI. Vol. IX. p. 465.

[3] Jefferson, without recognizing the general parallel, alludes to Virginia as fast sinking to be "the Barbary of the Union."-Memoir, Correspondence, etc., ed. T.J. Randolph, Vol. IV. pp. 333, 334.

[4] Sismondi, Literature of the South of Europe, Chap. XXIX. Vol. III. p. 402.

[5] The exact amount in our money is left uncertain both by Smollett and Roscoe, in their lives of Cervantes. It appears that it was five hundred gold crowns of Spain, which, according to his Spanish biographer, Navarrete, is equal to 6,770 reals, in the currency of the present day. (Vida de Cervantes, p. 371). The real is reckoned at ten cents.

[6] Pp. 140, 141.

[7] Busnot, History of the Reign of Muley Ismael: Preface.

[8] Gibbon, Roman Empire, Chap. LV. Vol. X. p. 190.

[9] Webster, Dictionary, word Slave.

[10] "Servitium invenere Laced?monii." Nat. Hist., Lib. VII. c. 57.

[11] Genesis xiv. 14; Ibid. xxxvii. 28. By these and other texts of the Scriptures, slavery, and even the slave-trade, have been vindicated. See Bruce's Travels in Africa, Book II. Ch. 2. Vol. II. p. 319. After quoting these texts, the complacent traveller says he "cannot think that purchasing slaves is in itself either cruel or unnatural."

[12] Odyssey, tr. Pope, Book XVII., 392, 393.

[13] Euripid., Iphig. in Taurid., 1400; Aristot., Polit., Lib. I. c. 1.

[14] Polit., Lib. I. c. 3. In like spirit are the words of the good Las Casas, when pleading before Charles the Fifth for the Indian races of America. "The Christian religion," he said, "is equal in its operation, and is accommodated to every nation on the globe. It robs no one of his freedom, violates none of his inherent rights, on the ground that he is a slave by nature, as pretended; and it well becomes your Majesty to banish so monstrous an oppression from your kingdoms in the beginning of your reign, that the Almighty may make it long and glorious."-Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, Vol. I. p. 379.

[15] A saying attributed by the Scholiast on Aristotle's Rhetoric to Alcidamas, a disciple of Gorgias of Leontini. See Aristotle's Ethics and Politics, tr. Gillies, Vol. II. p. 26.

[16] Institut., Lib. I. Tit. 2.

[17] De Re Rustica, Cap. II.

[18] Epig. III. 62.

[19] Tacitus, Ann., XIV. 43.

[20] Iliad. tr. Pope, Book I., 556, 557.

[21] Life of St. Wulstan, Book II. Chap. 20.

[22] Chronica Hiberni?, or the Annals of Philip Flatsbury (in the Cottonian Library, Domitianus XVIII. 10); quoted in Stephen on West India Slavery, Vol. I. p. 6.

[23] Biographie Générale (Hoefer), Art. Patrice.

[24] Battle of Agincourt, st. 144.

[25] Encyclopédie Méthodique (Jurisprudence), Art. Esclavage.

[26] Biot, De l'Abolition de l'Esclavage Ancien en Occident, p. 440,-a work crowned with a gold medal by the Institute of France, which will be read with some disappointment.

[27] Koran, Chap. LXXVI.

[28] A Discourse concerning Tangier: Harleian Miscellany, Vol. V. p. 522.

[29] Purchas's Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 1565.

[30] Prescott, History of Ferdinand and Isabella, Vol. III. p. 308. Purchas's Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 813.

[31] Robertson, History of Charles the Fifth, Book V. Haedo, Historia de Argel, Epitome de los Reyes de Argel.

[32] Histoire des Fran?ais, Tom. XVII. pp. 101, 102.

[33] Robertson, History of Charles the Fifth, Book V.

[34] Robertson, History of Charles the Fifth. Book V.

[35] Clarkson, History of the Abolition of the Slave-Trade, Vol. I. p. 33.

[36] Robertson's Charles the Fifth, Book VI. A lamentable and piteous Treatise, verye necessarye for euerie Christen Manne to reade, wherin is contayned, not onely the high Entreprise and Valeauntnes of Themperour Charles the v. and his Army (in his Voyage made to the Towne of Argier in Affrique, etc.) Truly and dylygently translated out of Latyn into Frenche, and out of Frenche into English, 1542: Harleian Miscellany, Vol. IV. p. 504.

[38] Purchas's Pilgrims, Vol. II. pp. 881-886. Southey, Naval History of England, Vol. V. pp. 60-63. There was a publication specially relating to this expedition, entitled "Algiers Voyage, in a Journall, or briefe Reportary of all Occurrents hapning in the Fleet of Ships sent out by the Kinge his most excellent Majestie, as well against the Pirates of Algiers as others," London, 1621, 4to.

[39] Bancroft, History of the United States, Vol. I. p. 189.

[37] Guizot, Histoire de la Révolution d'Angleterre, Liv. II. Tom. I. p. 78. Strafford's Letters and Dispatches, Vol. I. p. 68. Sir George Radcliffe, the friend and biographer of the Earl, boasts that the latter "secured the seas from piracies, so as only one ship was lost at his first coming [as Lord Lieutenant to Ireland], and no more all his time; whereas every year before, not only several ships and goods were lost by robbery at sea, but also Turkish men-of-war usually landed and took prey of men to be made slaves."-Ibid., Vol. II. p. 434.

[40] Journal of the Sallee Fleet: Osborne's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 493. See also Mrs. Macaulay's History of England, Chap. IV. Vol. II. p. 219.

[41] Strafford's Letters and Despatches, Vol. II. pp. 86, 116, 129.

[42] Strafford's Letters and Despatches, Vol. II. p. 131.

[43] Ibid., p. 138.

[44] History of England, Book XXII. Vol. IV. p. 231.

[45] Works, p. 270.

[46] Compassion towards Captives: urged and pressed in Three Sermons on Heb. xiii. 3, by Charles Fitz-Geffry, Oxford, 1637. Libertas, or Reliefe to the English Captives in Algier, by Henry Robinson, London, 1642. Letters relating to the Redemption of the Captives in Argier and Tunis, by Edmond Cason, London, 1647. A Relation of Seven Years Slavery under the Turks of Algier, suffered by an English Captive Merchant, etc., together with a Description of the Sufferings of the Miserable Captives under that Merciless Tyranny, etc., by Francis Knight, London, 1640. The last publication is preserved in the Collection of Voyages and Travels by Osborne, Vol. II. pp. 465-489.

[47] Hume says, "No English fleet, except during the Crusades, had ever before sailed in those seas." (History of England, Chap. LXI. Vol. VII. p. 529.) He forgot the expedition of Sir Robert Mansel, already mentioned (ante, p. 408), which was elaborately debated in the Privy Council as early as 1617, three years before it was finally undertaken, and was the subject of a special work. See Southey's Naval History of England, Vol. V. pp. 149-157.

[48] Thurloe's State Papers, Vol. III. p. 527.

[49] Carlyle's Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, Part IX. Speech V. Vol. II. p. 235.

[50] Panegyric to my Lord Protector, st. 9.

[51] Rapin, History of England, Book XXIII. Vol. II. pp. 858, 864.

[52] Recueil des Traitez de Paix, Tom. IV. p. 43.

[53] Ibid., pp. 307, 476, 703, 756.

[54] Attorney-General v. Gibson, 2 Beav. R. 317, note.

[55] The Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. XVIII. p. 531.

[56] Relation of Seven Years Slavery under the Turks of Algier: Osborne's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 468.

[57] Relation of Seven Years Slavery: Osborne's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 470.

[58] In the melancholy history of war, this is remarked as the earliest instance of bombarding a town. Sismondi, who never fails to regard the past in the light of humanity, remarks, that "Louis the Fourteenth was the first to put in practice the atrocious method, newly invented, of bombarding towns,-of burning them, not to take them, but to destroy them,-of attacking, not fortifications, but private houses, not soldiers, but peaceable inhabitants, women and children,-and of confounding thousands of private crimes, each one of which would cause horror, in one great public crime, one great disaster, which he regarded only as one of the catastrophes of war." (Histoire des Fran?ais, Tom. XXV. p. 452.) How much of this is justly applicable to the recent sacrifice of women and children by forces of the United States at Vera Cruz! Algiers was bombarded in the cause of freedom; Vera Cruz, to extend slavery!

[59] Siècle de Louis XIV., Chap. XIV.

[60] Voltaire, Siècle de Louis XIV., Chap. XIV.

[61] Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. XVIII. p. 441.

[62] To the relations of these missions we are indebted for works of interest on the Barbary States, some of which I am able to mention. Busnot, Histoire du Règne de Muley Ismael, à Rouen, 1714. This is by a father of the Holy Trinity, and was translated into English. J.B. de la Faye, Relation, en Forme de Journal, du Voyage aux Royaumes de Tunis et d'Alger pour la Rédemption des Captifs, à Paris, 1726. Voyage to Barbary for the Redemption of Captives in 1720, by the Mathurin-Trinitarian Fathers, London, 1735. This is a translation from the French. Braithwaite's History of the Revolutions in the Empire of Morocco, London, 1729. This contains a journal of the mission of John Russel, Esq., from the English government, to obtain the liberation of slaves in Morocco. The expedition was thoroughly equipped. "The Moors," says the author, "find plenty of everything but drink, but for that the English generally take care of themselves; for, besides chairs, tables, knives, forks, plates, table-linen, &c., we had two or three mules loaded with wine, brandy, sugar, and utensils for punch."-p. 82.

[63] Roscoe, Life of Cervantes, p. 43.

[64] Witness an illustrative record. "The following goods, designed as a present from his Majesty to the Dey of Algiers, to redeem near one hundred English captives lately taken, were entered at the custom-house, viz.: 20 pieces of broadcloth, 2 pieces of brocade, 2 pieces of silver tabby, 1 piece of green damask, 8 pieces of Holland, 16 pieces of cambric, a gold repeating watch, 4 silver ditto, 20 pound of tea, 300 of loaf-sugar, 5 fusees, 5 pair of pistols, an escrutoire, 2 clocks, and a box of toys."-Gentleman's Magazine, 1734, Vol. IV. p. 104.

[65] Memoirs of Abraham Brown, MS.

[66] Relation of Seven Years Slavery: Osborne's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 489.

[67] Sewel's History of the Quakers, p. 397.

[68] Biot, De l'Abolition de l'Esclavage Ancien en Occident, p. 437.

[69] Haedo, Dialogo I. de la Captividad: Historia de Argel, pp 142-144.

[70] Roscoe, Life of Cervantes, p. 50. See his story of Espa?ola Inglesa.

[71] Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. XVIII. p. 413.

[72] Southerne, Oroonoko, Act III. Sc. 2. It is not strange that the anti-slavery character of this play rendered it unpopular at Liverpool, while prosperous merchants there were concerned in the slave-trade.

[73] Don Quixote, Part I. Book IV. Chap. 12.

[74] True Account of the Captivity of Thomas Phelps: Osborne's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 500.

[75] Roscoe, Life of Cervantes, pp. 32, 310, 311. In the same spirit Thomas Phelps says, "I looked upon my condition as desperate; my forlorn and languishing state of life, without any hope of redemption, appeared far worse than the terrors of a most cruel death."-Osborne's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 504.

[76] Annual Register, 1763, Vol. VI. p. 60.]

[77] El Trato de Argel.

[78] Roscoe, Life of Cervantes, pp. 31, 33, 308, 309. See also Haedo, Historia de Argel. p. 185. I refer to Roscoe as the popular authority. His work is little more than a compilation from Navarrete and Sismondi.

[79] At the time this Lecture was delivered, the Rev. Charles T. Torrey was a prisoner in the Penitentiary of Maryland, paying the penalty for aid to escaping slaves.

[80] Purchas's Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 888.

[81] Purchas's Pilgrims, Vol. II. pp. 887, 888.

[82] Purchas's Pilgrims, Vol. II. pp. 889-896.

[83] A True Account of the Captivity of Thomas Phelps at Machiness in Barbary, and of his strange Escape, in Company of Edmund Baxter and others: Osborne's Voyages, Vol. II. pp. 499-510.

[84] Sewel, History of the Quakers, pp. 392-397.

[85] Busnot, History of the Reign of Muley Ismael, Chap. VII. p. 171.

[86] Busnot, History of the Reign of Muley Ismael, p. 184.

[87] Annual Register, Vol. XV. p. 130.]

[88] Annual Register, Vol. XIX. p. 176.]

[89] Morton, New England's Memorial, p. 62.

[90] Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II. p. 12.

[91] Records of First Church in Roxbury, MS.

[92] Middlesex Probate Files, MS.

[93] William Gilbert to Arthur Bridge, MS.

[94] Council Records, fol. 323. See Jackson v. Phillips, 14 Allen's Rep. 559.

[95] Journal of Chief-Justice Samuel Sewall, MS.

[96] M. Le Veillard to Dr. Franklin, October 9, 1785: Sparks's Franklin, Vol. X. p. 230.

[97] Boston Independent Chronicle, April 28, May 12, October 20, November 3, November 17, 1785; March 2, April 27, 1786.

[98] Ibid., May 18, 1786. Sparks's Franklin, Vol. IX. p. 507.

[99] Boston Independent Chronicle, Oct. 16, 1788. History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, pp. 59, 60.

[100] History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, pp. 62, 63. American Museum, 1790, Part II. Vol. VIII. Appendix IV. pp. 4, 5.

[101] History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, p. 52.

[102] Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. pp. 353, 354.

[103] History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, pp. 64, 65. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. pp. 357, 358.

[104] Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. pp. 359, 360.

[105] History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, pp. 69-71.

[106] Los Ba?os de Argel.

[107] Thoughts upon Slavery (1774), p. 24.

[108] Short Account of Algiers (Philadelphia, 1794), p. 18.

[109] From the Eagle Office, Hanover, New Hampshire, 1795.

[110] Chap. XXX. Vol. I. p. 193.

[111] Chap. XXXII. Vol. I. p. 213.

[112] Secret Journals of Congrese, 1786, Vol. IV. pp. 274-279.

[113] Brissot's Travels, Letter XXII. Vol. I. p. 253.

[114] Annals of Congress, 1st Cong. 2d Sess. Vol. II. col. 1198.

[115] Sparks's Franklin, Vol. II. p. 517.

[116] At Portsmouth, N.H., at a public entertainment, April 3, 1795, in honor of French successes.-Boston Independent Chronicle, Vol. XXVII. No. 1469.

[117] Annals of Congress, 4th Cong. 1st Sess. col. 11.

[118] United States Statutes at Large, Treaties, Vol. VIII. p. 133. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 362.

[119] Annals of Congress, 4th Cong. 2d Sess. col. 1593.

[120] Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 381, note.

[121] Article XI.-United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p. 154. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. pp. 380, 381.

[122] Article VI.-United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p. 157. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 400.-This treaty has two dates,-August, 1797, and March, 1799. William Eaton and James Leander Cathcart were agents of the United States at the latter date.

[123] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p. 100. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 350.

[124] History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, p. 80.

[125] Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 384.

[126] Miscellaneous Works of David Humphreys, p. 75.

[127] Miscellaneous Works of David Humphreys, pp. 52, 53.

[128] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p. 214. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 388.

[129] History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, p. 88.

[130] Noah's Travels, pp. 69, 70.

[131] Ibid., p. 144. National Intelligencer, March 7, 1815.

[132] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p. 224. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 376.

[133] Mackenzie's Life of Decatur, p. 268.

[134] Mémoire sur la Nécessité et les Moyens de faire cesser les Pirateries des états Barbaresques. Re?u, considéré, et adopté à Paris en Septembre, à Turin le 14 Octobre, 1814, à Vienne durant le Congrès. Par W. Sidney Smith. See Quarterly Review, Vol. XV. p. 139, where this is noticed. Schoell, Histoire des Traités de Paix, Tom. XI. p. 402.

[135] Quarterly Review, Vol. XV. p. 145. Edinburgh Review, Vol. XXVI. p. 449, noticing a Letter to a Member of Parliament on the Slavery of the Christians at Algiers, by Walter Croker, Esq., of the Royal Navy, London. 1816. Schoell, Histoire des Traités de Paix, Tom. XI. p. 402.

[136] Edinburgh Review, Vol. XXVI. p. 451. Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 302. Mackenzie's Life of Decatur, pp. 261-263.

[137] Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 297.

[138] Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 303.

[139] Thurloe's State Papers, Vol. III. p. 390.

[140] Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 333.

[141] Ibid., pp. 334, 335. Annual Register, 1816, Vol. LVIII. pp. 97]-105]. Shaler's Sketches of Algiers, pp. 279-294

[142] Osler's Life of Exmouth, p. 340.

[143] Ibid., p. 342.

[144] Ibid., p. 432. Shaler's Sketches of Algiers, p. 282.

[145] Purchas's Pilgrims, Vol. II. p. 1565.

[146] Braithwaite's Revolutions in Morocco, p. 233.

[147] Haedo, Historia, pp. 139, 140.-Besides illustrations of the hardships of White Slavery already introduced, I refer briefly to the following: Edinburgh Review, Vol. XXVI. pp. 452-454; Quarterly Review, Vol. XV. p. 145; Life of General William Eaton, p. 100; Noah's Travels, pp. 366, 367.

[148] Busnot, History of the Reign of Muley Ismael, Chap. VI. p. 164.

[149] Memoirs of Abraham Brown, MS.

[150] Biographie Universelle (Michaud): Art., Vincent de Paul.

[151] This translation is borrowed from Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe, by Roscoe, Vol. III. p. 381. There is a letter of John Dunton, Mariner, addressed to the English Admiralty in 1637, which might furnish the foundation of a similar scene. "For my only son," he says, "is now a slave in Algier, and but ten years of age, and like to be lost forever, without God's great mercy and the king's clemency, which, I hope, may be in some manner obtained."-A True Journal of the Sallee Fleet, with the Proceedings of the Voyage, published by John Dunton, London Mariner, Master of the Admiral, called the Leopard: Osborne's Voyages, Vol. II. p. 492.

[152] Life of General Eaton, p. 154.

[153] Wilson's Travels, p. 93. Noah's Travels, p. 302. Shaler's Sketches of Algiers, p. 77. Edinburgh Review, Vol. XXXVIII. p. 403. Quarterly Review, Vol. XV. p. 168.

[154] Sale's Koran, Chap. XXIV. Vol. II. p. 194.-The right of redemption was recognized by the Hindoo laws. (Halhed's Code, Chap. VIII. § 2.) It was unknown in the British West Indies while slavery existed there. (Stephen on West India Slavery, Vol. I. p. 378.) It is also unknown in the Slave States of our country.

[155] Sale's Koran, Chap. LXXVI. Vol. II. p. 474, note.

[156] Haedo, Historia de Argel. p. 122. Quarterly Review, Vol. XV. pp. 169, 172. Shaler's Sketches of Algiers, p. 77. Short Account of Algiers, pp. 22, 25.-It seems to have been supposed, that, according to the Koran, the condition of slavery ceased when the party became a Mussulman. (Penny Cyclop?dia: Art. Slavery. Noah's Travels, p. 302. Shaler's Sketches, p. 60.) In point of fact, freedom generally followed conversion; but I do not find any injunction on the subject in the Koran.

[157] "De los peores que en Argel auia."-Haedo, Historia de Argel, p. 85. Navarrete, Vida de Cervantes, p. 361.

[158] Roscoe, Life of Cervantes, pp. 303, 304. Cervantes, Ba?os de Argel.

[159] Biographie Universelle (Michaud): Art. Thomas de Jesus. Digby's Broad Stone of Honor, Tancredus, § 9, p. 181.

[160] Biographie Universelle: Art. Vincent de Paul.

[161] Memoirs, MS.

[162] Braithwaite's Revolutions in Morocco, p. 353.

[163] Keatinge's Travels, p. 250. Quarterly Review, Vol. XV. p. 146. See also Chénier's Present State of Morocco, Vol. I. p. 192, Vol. II. p. 369.

[164] Lempriere's Tour, p. 29O. See also pp.3, 147, 190, 279.

[165] Narrative of a Ten Years' Residence at Tripoli, p. 241.

[166] Travels, p. 368.

[167] Sketches of Algiers, p. 77.

[168] Histoire d'Alger: Description de ce Royaume, etc., de ses Forces de Terre et de Mer, M?urs et Costumes des Habitans, de Mores, des Arabes, des Juifs, des Chrétiens, de ses Lois, etc. (Paris, 1830), Chap. XXVII.

[169] Sterne, Sentimental Journey: The Passport: The Hotel at Paris.

[170] Paradise Lost, Book XII. 64-71.

[171] Noah's Travels, pp. 248, 253. Quarterly Review, Vol. XV. p. 168.-Among the concubines of a prince of Morocco were two slaves of the age of fifteen, one English and the other French. (Lempriere's Tour, p. 147.) The fate of "one Mrs. Shaw, an Irish woman," is given in words hardly polite enough to be quoted. She was swept into the harem of Muley Ismael, who "forced her to turn Moor; ... but soon after, having taken a dislike to her, he gave her to a soldier."-Braithwaite's Morocco, p. 191

[172] Braithwaite's Morocco, p. 350. See also Quarterly Review, Vol. XV. p. 168.

[173] Braithwaite, p. 222.

[174] Ibid., p. 381.

[175] Law Reporter, July, 1846, Vol. IX. p. 98.

[176] Ibid., p. 99.

[177] Law Reporter, July, 1846, Vol. IX. p. 98.

[178] Revue Pénitentiare, 1844, p. 421.

[179] Prisons and Prisoners, p. 128.

[180] Eighteenth Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, p. 96.

[181] Notes on the United States, Vol. I. p. 224.

[182] Eighteenth Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, p. 95.

[183] Eighteenth Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, pp. 95, 96.

[184] Annual Meeting, May 30, 1837: Twelfth Report.

[185] July, 1830, Vol. IV. pp. 28-63.

[186] Valerius Maximus, Lib. VIII. c. 14.

[187] ?neid, IV. 181-183.

[188] Iliad, tr. Pope, XII. 537-542.

[189] De Officiis, Lib. II. c. 13.

[190] Dion Cassius, Lib. XLIII. c. 11.

[191] Southey, Chronicles of the Cid, Note 53.-In the translation by Lady Charlotte Guest this passage is somewhat mitigated. The Mabinogion, Vol. I. p. 300.

[192] Battle of Agincourt, st. 287.

[193] Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe, Vol. IV. pp. 8-16.

[194] Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, Vol. III. pp. 76, 80, 98.

[195] Dante, Divina Commedia: Purgatorio, Canto XI. 100-102.

[196] Cicero, De Finibus, Lib. III. c. 17.

[197] Essays, Book II. ch. 16: Of Glory. The will is preserved in the Life of Epicurus by Diogenes Laertius, Lib. X. c. 10. See also Cicero, De Finibus, Lib. II. c. 30, 31.

[198] Cicero, De Finibus, Lib. III. c. 17.

[199] Ethics, Lib. II. c. 7; Lib. IV. c. 3, 4.

[200] Pro Marcello, 8.

[201] Tusc. Qu?st., Lib. III. c. 2.

[202] Pro Archia, 11.

[203] Pro C. Rabirio, 10.

[204] Epistol? ad Diversos, Lib. V. 12.-The letter to Lucceius seems to have been a favorite, as it is a most remarkable, production of its author. Writing to Atticus, he says, "Valde bella est," and seeks to interest him in the same behalf. (Ad Atticum, Lib. IV. 6.) Pliny, who looked to the pen of Tacitus for Fame, but in a higher spirit than Cicero, expressly declares that he does not desire him to give the least offence to truth. "Quanquam non exigo ut excedas act? rei modum. Nam nec historia debet egredi veritatem, et honeste factis veritas sufficit."-Plin. Epistol?, Lib. VII. 33.

[205] Letter to H.A. Schultens, October, 1774: Life, by Lord Teignmouth, p. 126.

[206] Letter to C. Reviczki, March, 1771: Ibid., p. 96.

[207] Milton, Lycidas, 70-72.

[208] "Nulla est ergo tanta humilitas, qu? dulcedine glori? non tangatur."-Val. Max., Lib. VIII. c. 14, § 5.

[209]

"Però se campi d 'esti luoghi bui,

E torni a riveder le belle stelle,

Quando ti gioverà dicere: l'fui,

Fa che di noi alla gente favelle."

Inferno, Canto XVI. 82-85.

[210] Pensées, Part. I. Art. V. sec. 2: Vanité de l'Homme.

[211] Hor., Carm. IV. ix. 29, 30.

[212] "Virtutum omnium pretium in ipsis est. Non enim exercentur ad pr?mium; recte facti fecisse merces est."-Seneca, Epist. LXXXI. 17.

[213] Rex v. Wilkes, 4 Burrow's Reports, 2562.

[214] Memoirs: Miscellaneous Works, p. 94.

[215] Letter to a Noble Lord: Works, Vol. VII. p. 417.

[216] Letter to James G. Birney: Works, Vol. II. p. 175.

[217] Paradise Regained, Book III. 71-80.

[218] Of the Fear of God, Canto 2.

[219] Grahame, History of the United States, Vol. IV. pp. 51, 52.

[220] A Soldier: Works, Vol. I. p. 82.

[221] Simonides, apud Herod. Hist., Lib. VIII. c. 229.

[222] A brilliant writer, who never fails to exalt war, recognizes the parallel between the soldier and the executioner; but he finds the soldier so noble as to ennoble even the work of the executioner, when called to perform it.-Joseph de Maistre, Les Soirées de Saint-Pétersbourg, Tom. II. pp. 4-13.

[223] Lucan, Pharsalia, Lib. VII. 196.

[224] See Illustrations at the end of this Oration.

[225] Lucan, Pharsalia, Lib. I. 12.

[226] Pantagruel, Book II. ch. 30.

[227] "L'art militaire, c'est à dire, l'art funeste d'apprendre aux hommes à s'exterminer les uns les autres."-Massillon, Oraison Funèbre de Louis le Grand.

[228] Waller, Of Queen Catharine, on New Year's Day, 1683.

[229] Schiller, Columbus.

[230] Exodus, xxxiii. 18, 19.-It was a saying of Heathen Antiquity, that to help a mortal was to be a God to a mortal, and this is the way to everlasting Glory: "Deus est mortali juvare mortalem, et h?c ad ?ternam Gloriam via."-Plin., Nat. Hist., II. 7.

[231] Of Education: Prose Works, Vol. I. p. 273.

[232] Biographie Universelle: Art. Vincent de Paul.

[233] Howard's State of the Prisons, p. 469.

[234] Clarkson's History of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade, Vol. I. p. 171.

[235]

"Et fessum quoties mutat latus, intremere omnem

Murmure Trinacriam, et c?lum subtexere fumo."

?neid, III. 581, 582.

[236] Maritime International Law, Vol. II. p. 298.

[237] Commentaries on the Law of Nations, Preface, p. v.

[238] Maritime International Law, Vol. II. p. 441.

[239] Ovid, Epist. ex Ponto, Lib. IV. Ep. v. 43.

[240] Letter to Robert Morris, April 12, 1786: Writings of Washington, ed. Sparks, Vol. IX. p. 159.

[241] Letter to Robert Pleasants, January 18, 1779: Goodloe's Southern Platform, p. 79.

[242] Annals of Congress, 1st Cong. 2d Sess., 1198.

[243] Writings of Washington, ed. Sparks, Vol. I. p. 570.

[244] Hesiod, Opera et Dies, 109-201.

[245] Hor., Carm. III. vi. 45-48.

[246] Principj di una Scienza nuova d'intorno alla comune Natura delle Nazioni. The fourth book is entitled Del corso che fanno le nazioni; the fifth book, Del ricorso delle cose humane nel risurgere che fanno le nazioni.

[247] Cataldo Jannelli, Cenni sulla Natura et Necessità della Scienza delle Cose et delle Storie Umane. Cap. 3, sec. 6.

[248] Leibnitz, Opera Omnia (ed. Dutens), Tom. VI. p. 309: Leibnitiana, Art. LXXIV.-"Ut semper certa serie progredi valeamus." Opera Philosophica, p. 85, Art. XI., De Scientia Universali.-See also Théodicée, § 341.

[249] Philosophie der Geschichte der Menschheit, tr. Churchill, Book XV. ch. 5, § 12.

[250] Descartes, Discours de la Méthode, Part. 6: ?uvres, Tom. I. pp. 192, 193.

[251] Pascal, Pensées, Part. I. Art. 1, De l'Autorité en Matière de Philosophie: ?uvres (ed. Bossut, 1779), Tom. II.

[252] Parallèle des Anciens et des Modernes, en ce qui regarde les Arts et les Sciences.

[253] Fontenelle, Digression sur les Anciens et les Modernes: ?uvres, Tom. II. p. 249.

[254] Sur les Progrès successifs de l'Esprit Humain: ?uvres (ed. Daire), Tom. II. pp. 697-611.

[255] Plan de Deux Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle: ?uvres, Tom II. pp. 626-667.

[256] Esquisse d'un Tableau Historique des Progrès de l'Esprit Humain.

[257] Rapport fait à la Convention Nationale, au Nom du Comité d'Instruction Publique, etc.: ?uvres de Condorcet (ed. O'Connor et Arago, Paris, 1847-49), Tom. VI. pp. 3-5.

[258] Lucretius, De Rerum Natura, Lib. II. 78.

[259] De Augmentis Scientiarum, Lib. I.: Works, Vol. IV. p. 34.

[260] There is a sermon by Dr. Price, published in 1787, on The Evidence of a Future Period of Improvement in the State of Mankind.

[261] Journey to the Hebrides: Works (Oxford, 1825), Vol. IX. p. 98.

[262] Discourse on the Study of the Law of Nature and Nations, p. 34.

[263] Lyell's Principles of Geology (7th ed.), Vol. I. p. 216. Lyell's Travels in North America, Ch. 2. Horner's Anniversary Address, for 1847, before the London Geological Society, pp. 23-27. D'Archiac, Histoire des Progrès de la Géologie, Tom. I. p. 358.

[264] Supplied to me by the late Professor H.D. Rogers, from the notes of his Lectures.

[265] Campbell's Lives of the Lord Chancellors, Vol. II. ch. 40, p. 51.

[266] Essays of Basil Montagu, p. 69.

[267] Aubrey's Letters and Lives, Vol. II. p. 383.

[268] The Grand Concern of England, 1673: Harleian Miscellany, Vol. VIII. pp. 539, 540.

[269] Quarterly Review, Vol. XXXI. pp. 361, 362. Illustrations of this spirit might be indefinitely extended. One, made familiar to the world by Macaulay's History, since this Address was delivered, has too much point to be omitted. As late as the close of the reign of Charles the Second, the streets of London, with a population of half a million, were not lighted at night, and, as a natural consequence, became the frequent scene of assassination and outrage, perpetrated under the shelter of darkness. At last, in 1685, it was proposed to place a light, on moonless nights, before every tenth door. This projected improvement was enthusiastically applauded and furiously attacked. "The cause of darkness," says Macaulay, "was not left undefended. There were fools in that age who opposed the introduction of what was called the new light, as strenuously as fools in our age have opposed the introduction of vaccination and railroads, as strenuously as the fools of an age anterior to the dawn of history doubtless opposed the introduction of the plough and of alphabetical writing."-History of England, Vol. I. ch. 3.

[270] Of the Plough: Sermons, Vol. I. p. 65.

[271] Louis Blanc, Histoire de Dix Ans, Tom. V. ch. 10.

[272] Annals of Congress, 1st Cong. 2d Sess., 1198.

[273] Speeches and Forensic Arguments, p. 98.

[274] Memoir, Vol. III. p. 262.

[275] Ibid., p. 263.

[276] The Duty of Obedience to the Civil Magistrate, pp. 38-40.

[277] Wirt's Life and Character of Patrick Henry, pp. 373, 374.

[278] The votes, as officially determined, stood: For Taylor, 61,072; Cass, 35,284; Van Buren, 38,133.

[279] Longfellow's Poets and Poetry of Europe, p. 513.

[280] Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, Book VII. Vol. IV. p. 255.

[281] Colloquies on the Progress and Prospects of Society, Vol. I. p. 224.

[282] Hon. Jeremiah Mason, of Boston, to Mr. Sumner.

[283] Leibnitz, Codex Juris Gentium Diplomaticus, Dissert. I. § 1: Opera (ed. Dutens), Tom. IV. Pars 3, pp. 287, 288. Fontenelle, éloge de Leibnitz: ?uvres, Tom. V. p. 456.

[284] On the Applicability of the Pacific Principles of the New Testament to the Conduct of States, p. 10.

[285] Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, Book VI. ch. 3.

[286] Since the delivery of this Address, Turkey and China have accepted our Law of Nations.

[287] Law of Nations, Preface.

[288] Robinson's, Chr., Admiralty Reports, Vol. I. p. 140.

[289] Heffter, Das Europ?ische V?lkerrecht der Gegenwart, § 2.

[290] Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, Book VI. ch. 12.

[291] Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy, Book VI. ch. 12.

[292] Cauchy, Du Duel considéré dans ses Origines, Liv. I. Seconde époque, Ch. V. Tom. I. pp. 91, 92.

[293] Du Cange, Dissertations sur l'Histoire de St. Louis, Diss. XXVII. (XXIX.): Des Guerres Privées.

[294] Coxe, History of the House of Austria, Ch. XIX. and XXI.

[295] "Statuimus, juxta antiquum ecclesiastic? observationis morem, ut quicumque tam impia et Christian? paci inimica pugna alterum occiderit seu vulneribus debilem reddiderit, velut homicida nequissimus et latro cruentus, ab Ecclesi? et omnium fidelium c?tu reddatur separatus," etc.-Canon XII. Concil. Valent.,-quoted by Cauchy, Du Duel, Liv. I. Première époque, Ch. III., Tom. I. p. 43, note.

[296] "Nunc agentes gratias, quod ea Romana justitia finiret, feritasque sua novitate incognit? disciplin? mitesceret, et solita armis decerni jure terminarentur."-Velleius Paterculus, Lib. II. c. 118.

[297] Robertson, History of Charles V., Vol. I. Note 22.

[298] Widukindii, Res Gest? Saxonic?, Lib. II. c. 10: Monumenta Germani? Historica, ed. Pertz, Scriptorum Tom. III. p. 440.

[299] Robertson, History of Charles V., Vol. I. Note 22.-The Duel has a literature of its own, which is not neglected by Brunet in his Manuel du Libraire, where, under the head of Les Combats Singuliers, Tom. VI. col. 1636-1638, Table Méthodique, 28717-28749, will be found titles in various languages, from which I select the following: Joan. de Lignano, Tractatus do Bello, de Repressaliis, et de Duello, Papi?, 1487; Tractatus de Duello, en Lat. y en Castellano, por D. Castillo, Taurini, 1525; Alciat, De Singulari Certamine, Lugd., 1543. In the development of civilization how can the literature of War expect more honor than that of the Duel?

[300] Liutprandi Leges, Lib. VI. cap. 65: Muratori, Rerum Italic. Script., Tom. I. Pars 2, p. 74.

[301] Esprit des Lois, Liv. XXVIII. ch. 23.

[302] Commentaries, Book IV. ch. 33, Vol. IV. p. 418.

[303] Plautus speaks in the Epidicus (Act III. Sc. iv. 14, 15) of one who obtained great riches by the Duelling Art, meaning the Art of War:-

"Arte duellica

Divitias magnas indeptum."

And Horace, in his Odes (Lib. IV. Carm. xv. 4-9), hails the age of Augustus, as at peace, or free from Duels, and with the Temple of Janus closed:-

"Tua, C?sar, ?tas

..... vacuum duellis

Janum Quirini clausit."

[304] Dictionnaire Philosophique, Art. Guerre.

[305] Matthew Paris, Historia Major, p. 274.

[306] Cauchy, Du Duel, Liv. I. Seconde époque, Ch. III. Tom. I. p. 74.

[307] Plato, Laws, Book X. ch. 13, 14.

[308] Mass. Senate Documents, 1848: Doc. No. 13, pp. 4, 5.

[309] Ibid., Doc. No. 15, p. 23.

[310] Mass. House Documents, 1839: Doc. No. 6, p. 14.

[311] Works, Vol. VIII. p. 494.

[312] American Almanac, 1849, p. 162. United States Executive Documents: 28th Cong. 1st Sess., No. 15, pp. 1018-19; 35th Cong. 1st Sess., No. 60, pp. 6, 7.

[313] Jay's War and Peace, p. 13, note; and "True Grandeur of Nations," ante, Vol. I. p. 79.

[314] "Que l'on joigne à ces considérations des troupes toujours prêtes d'agir, mon épargne bien remplie, et la vivacité de mon caractère: c'étaient les raisons que j'avais de faire la guerre à Marie-Thérèse, reine de Bohême et d'Hongrie." These are the very words of Frederick, deliberately written in his own account of the war. Voltaire, on revising the work, dishonestly struck out this important confession, but preserved a copy, which afterwards appeared in his own Memoirs. Lord Brougham, in his sketch of Voltaire, says that "the passage thus erased and thus preserved is extremely curious, and for honesty or impudence has no parallel in the history of warriors."-Brougham, Lives of Men of Letters, Voltaire, p. 59.

[315] Sir William Jones, Ode in Imitation of Alc?us: Works, Vol. X. p. 389.

[316] True Grandeur of Nations, ante, Vol. I., pp. 97, seqq.

[317] King's Life of Locke, Vol. I. p. 99.

[318]

"Peuples, formez une sainte alliance,

Et donnez-vous la main."

La Sainte Alliance des Peuples.

[319] Barlow, Vision of Columbus, Book IX. 432-438.

[320] Locksley Hall.

[321] Law of Nations, Book II. ch. 18, § 329.

[322] Acte pour la Constitution Fédérative de l'Allemagne du 8 Juin, 1815, Art. XI. par. 4: Archives Diplomatiques, Vol. IV. p. 15.

[323] ?neid, Lib. VI. 726, 727.

[324] "Perfectio gaudii est pax."-Aquinas, Summa Theologica, Prima Secund?, Qu?st. LXX., Art. III. Concl.

[325] De Imitatione Christi, Lib. II. cap. 3.

[326] De Jure Belli ac Pacis, Lib. II. cap. 28, § 8.

[327] Traité des Moyens de conserver la Paix avec les Hommes: Essais de Morale, Tom. I. pp. 192-318. This little treatise has been printed in a recent edition of the Pensées of Pascal. Notwithstanding this great company, and the praise of Voltaire in his écrivains du Siècle de Louis XIV., the reader of our day will be disappointed. See Hallam, Introduction to the Literature of Europe, Part IV. ch. 4, Vol. III. p. 393.

[328] Le Nouveau Cynée, ou Discours des Occasions et Moyens d'establir une Paix générale et la Liberté du Commerce par tout le Monde: Paris, 1623. A copy, found in one of the stalls of Paris, is now before me.

[329] Leibnitz. Observations sur le Projet d'une Paix Perpétuelle de l'Abbé de S. Pierre: Opera (ed. Dutens), Tom. V. pp. 56, 57.

[330] Clarkson, Life of William Penn, Ch. VI. Vol. II. pp. 82-85.

[331] Harmonies de la Nature: ?uvres, Tom. X. p. 138. V?ux d'un Solitaire: Ibid., Tom. XI. p. 168.

[332] Le Projet de Paix Perpétuelle.-A collection of the works of Saint-Pierre, in fourteen volumes, entitled ?uvres de Politique, appeared at Amsterdam in the middle of the last century. But this collection is not complete; I have several other volumes. Brunet introduces him into his Bibliographical Pantheon among "Modern Reformers"; but the space allowed is very scanty by the side of his namesake. His works are sympathetically described and analyzed in a volume published since this Address, entitled L'Abbé de Saint-Pierre, sa Vie et ses ?uvres, par G. de Molinari.

[333] éloge de Saint-Pierre: ?uvres, Tom. XI. p. 113. See, also, Bescherelle, Dictionnaire National, under Bienfaisance.

[334] Les Caractères, Du Mérite Personnel, Tom. I. p. 93.

[335] Observations sur le Projet d'une Paix Perpétuelle; Lettre à l'Abbé de S. Pierre: Opera (ed. Dutens), Tom. V. pp. 56-62.

[336] Paradise Lost, Book VI. 29-37.

[337] The Nouvelle Biographie Générale concludes its notice of him thus:-"Après avoir mérité le beau surnom de Solliciteur pour le bien public, l'Abbé de Saint-Pierre mourut, en 1743, à l'age de quatre-vingt-cinq ans."

[338] Caractères, Du Souverain, Tom. I. p. 332; Des Jugements, Tom. II. pp. 57-59.

[339] Extrait du Projet de Paix Perpétuelle de M. l'Abbé de Saint-Pierre.

[340] Die Abg?tterei unsers Philosophischen Jahrhunderts.

[341] Widerlegung des Projects von Ewigen Frieden.

[342] Philosophie des Rechts, §§ 321-340: Werke, Band VIII. pp. 408-423.

[343] Ewiger und Allgemeiner Friede nach der Entwurf Heinrichs IV.

[344] Neues Staatsgeb?ude.

[345] Zum Ewigen Frieden, 1795; Verkündigung des nahen Abschlusses eines Tractats zum Ewigen Frieden in der Philosophie, 1796: S?mmtliche Werke, Band VI. pp. 405-454, 487-498.

[346] Idee zu einer Allgemeinen Geschichte in Weltbürgerlicher Absicht: S?mmtliche Werke, Band IV. pp. 141-157.

[347] Metaphysische Anfangsgründe der Rechtslehre, §§ 53-61, Das V?lkerrecht: S?mmtliche Werke, Band VII. pp. 141-157.

[348] Grundlage des Naturrechts: Ueber das V?lkerrecht: S?mmtliche Werke, Band III. pp. 369-382.

[349] Ueber das Unvermeidliche Unrecht.

[350] At the Paris Peace Congress of 1849, since the delivery of this Address, with Victor Hugo as President, and Richard Cobden as an active member, Mr. Suringar, of Amsterdam, referred to this Dissertation, and announced a copy of it which had been given him for presentation to the Congress by the son of the author, John de Wal, Professor of Jurisprudence at Leyden. My own copy is a valued present from Elihu Burritt.

[351] Bentham's Works, Part VIII. pp. 537-554.

[352] Letter to Josiah Quincy, Sept. 11, 1783; to Mrs. Mary Hewson, Jan. 27, 1783; to Richard Price, Feb. 6, 1780: Works, ed. Sparks, Vol. X. p. 11; IX. p. 476; VIII. p. 417.

[353] Franklin's Works, ed. Sparks, Vol. V. pp. 122-124. Collections of Mass. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV. pp. 79-85.

[354] Franklin's Works, ed. Sparks, Vol. II. pp. 485, 486. Lyman's Diplomacy of the United States. Vol. I. pp. 143-148.

[355] Letter to Sir John Sinclair, March 23, 1798: Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. IV. pp. 320, 321.

[356] MSS. of Samuel Adams, belonging to the historian, George Bancroft.

[357] Reports of Committees, 25th Cong. 2d Sess., No. 979.

[358] Mass. House Documents, Sess. 1844, No. 18.

[359] Congressional Globe, 30th Cong. 2d Sess., Jan. 16, 1849, p. 267. See also House Journal, Feb. 5, p. 372.

[360] It will be remarked that this history stops with the date of this Address.

[361] Oration at Newburyport, July 4, 1837, pp. 56, 57.

[362] Las Cases, Memorial de Sainte-Hélène, November, 1816.

[363] Sir William Jones, Ode in Imitation of Alc?us.

[364] Du Cange, Dissertations sur l'Histoire de Saint Louys par Jean Sire de Joinville, Diss. XXI. Ibid.: Petitot, Mémoires relatifs à l'Histoire de France, 1re Série, Tom. III. p. 349. Sainte-Palaye, Mémoires sur l'Ancienne Chevalerie, Part, III. Tom. I. p. 225. The same attempt at Brotherhood appears in the "Loka-Lenna, or Strife of Loc," quoted by Sir Walter Scott in his Notes to the Metrical Romance of "Sir Tristrem," p. 350:-

"Father of Slaughter, Odin, say,

Remember'st not the former day,

When in the ruddy goblet stood,

For mutual drink, our blended blood?"

[365] History of England, Book IV.: Prose Works (ed. Symmons), Vol. IV. p. 158.

Transcriber's Notes.

The punctuation and spelling are as in the original publication with the exception of some minor errors and the following: Line 1308 inhabiants is now inhabitants.

Line 5931 pen is now peu.

Line 11490 candidades is now candidates.

Line 14496 bibiographical is now bibliographical.

Line 15668 fufilled is now fulfilled.

Pages 154 and 324 were numbered blank pages.