Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. I (of 16)

Imports.-See Duties on imports.

Indemnity, for spoliations.-See Great Britain.

Indian lands within a State, Rights over.-The claim of Thomas Person to certain lands on the frontier of North Carolina, and ceded by the United States Commissioners to the Indians, considered, 576;

note, 576;

the conduct of other States, 576;

the Government of the United States has converted property of the citizens of North Carolina, and they ask compensation, 576;

examination of authorities on the rights of the sovereign to take property, 576;

detail of the circumstances of the present dispute, 577;

the claim of North Carolina to sell the land was wrong, 578;

the cause of all the disputes with the Federal Government, 578;

have the United States taken away any claim which the purchasers of these lands had, 578;

suitable method to settle the matter, 578;

Indians never occupied the lands, 578;

on the limits of the States and the right to what was jointly acquired, 579;

North Carolina could grant only the pre-emption right, 579;

further details respecting the grants in North Carolina, 579;

these lands within the limits guaranteed by the articles of Confederation, 580;

further particulars, 580;

resolutions reported to the House, 582;

do. further reported, 583.

Indian lands disposed of by the Legislature of Georgia, considered, 583;

resolutions on the subject, 584;

they subject persons to martial law, 584;

amendment proposed, 584;

also that persons in pursuit of Indians should not be liable to the law, 584;

useless to expend money to protect the frontier if this permission is granted, 585;

better declare there shall be no frontier, 585;

no man could be arrested under this amendment, 585;

amendment carried in committee, 585;

reported to House, 586;

reasons for authorizing pursuit of Indians, 587;

importance of the amendment, 587;

further considerations, 588;

lost, 589.

Indians, Southern, treaty to be negotiated with, 18.

Indian Trading Houses, bill for establishing trading houses for supplying Indians considered, 585;

tends to conciliate an unhappy and distressed people, 585;

bill of utmost consequence, 586;

system of arrangements for the frontiers proposed, 586;

bill to establish trading post considered, 624;

amendments made, 624;

the object of the bill unattainable, 624;

it effects a change in our system, 625;

influence of the Canada traders, 625;

note, 625;

objects of the measure, 625;

bill put on its passage, 625;

principles of the bill considered, 634;

no opinion of governmental bargains, 634;

note, 634;

bill passed, 635.

Indian Tribes.-Message from the President on disputes between the same and some of the States, 16.

Instruction, right of debate on, 138.

Insurgents of Pennsylvania.-See Pennsylvania Insurgents.

Intercourse Foreign.-On the bill providing means of intercourse with foreign nations, 242;

moved to strike out thirty and insert forty thousand dollars, 242;

reasons urged in opposition, 242;

reasons urged in favor of the motion, 242;

motion adopted, 242.

Invalid Pensions, bill reported, 406.

Irvine, William, Representative from Pennsylvania, 455, 551.

Izard, Ralph, Senator from South Carolina, 10,168,251,309, 380, 441, 520;

on committee on future disposition of papers of late Secretary of Congress, 10;

added to Judiciary committee, 10;

on committee for conducting reception of President, 11;

on committee to wait on Vice President, 11.

J

Jackson, Geo., Representative from Virginia, 604.

Jackson, James, Representative from Georgia, 42, 175, 255;

remarks in favor of reducing duties, 44;

remarks on tonnage duties, 48;

on power of Congress to require oaths of State officers, 51;

objects to high duties on account of expense of their collection, 64;

temptation to smuggle, 64;

considers subject of title for President as trifling, 68;

urges postponement of consideration of duty on African slaves imported, 73;

further remarks, 74;

urges limitation to impost bill, 81;

on the power of the President to remove officers, 87;

remarks on citizenship and foreign allegiance, 98;

opposes discrimination in the pay of Senators and Representatives, 123;

further remarks, 126;

on the form of amending the constitution, 136;

on the rights of instruction, 139;

on location of a seat of Government, 149;

on amendments of the Senate to House bill on seat of Government, 165;

on subjects embraced in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 182;

further remarks, 183, 184;

on testimonials of behavior and conduct as requisites of naturalization, 187;

favors a progressive and probational naturalization, 189;

further remarks, 189;

a funded debt is an injury, 191;

further remarks, 195, 197, 199;

opposes a commitment of the Quaker memorial, 202;

on property of master in the slave, 209;

on discrimination among the public creditors, 216;

further remarks, 217;

on memorial of Officers of the Navy, 240;

on answer to the President's message, 256;

further remarks, 257;

on price of public lands, 261;

moves to strike out essential part of first clause of bill relating to duties on distilled spirits, 261;

remarks on, 261;

further remarks, 264,270,271,272;

on the commitment of the bill for Bank of the United States, 272;

speech on the Bank, 285;

petition on election and return of Anthony Wayne, 324;

Senator from Georgia, 445, 520.

Jacobs, Isaac, Representative from Pennsylvania, 389.

Jails of the States, resolutions on, 308.

Jay, John, votes for, as Vice President in 1789, 10.

Jefferson, Thomas, desires to return from France as Minister, 15;

votes for, as Vice President in 1793, 386.

Johns, Kinsey, claims a seat as Senator from Delaware-claim considered, 453;

rejected, 453.

Johnson, Wm. S., Senator from Connecticut, 9, 168, 254;

resigned, 309;

on committee on future disposition of papers of late Secretary of Congress, 10;

on committee of arrangements for reception of President, 10;

on committee to prepare answer to Washington's inaugural, 12;

on committee on titles of President and Vice President, 13.

Johnston, Samuel, Senator from North Carolina, 171, 251, 309, 383.

John Torrey.-Petition of, in Committee of the Whole on report of Secretary of Treasury, 317;

Congress promised half-pay to the officers who should continue in service to the end of the War.-Major Torrey continued in service till near end of 1783 and died, did he continue in service to the end of the war? 318;

peace concluded April, 1783, 318;

what was the intention of the parties in this contract? 318;

when did the war end? 318;

what does the law of nations say? 318;

distinction between preliminaries and a definite treaty by the law of nations, 318;

objections considered, 319;

the question does not turn on a judicial principle, 319;

certain established rules have been observed in settling with every officer, 320;

terms of contract decided by the sovereign power, 320;

motion for accepting report carried, 320.

Judiciary, Senate committee on, first Congress, 10.

K

Kentucky, memorial of a convention in, 253;

vote for President in 1793, 385.

Key, Philip, Representative from Maryland, 388.

King, Rufus, Senator from New York, 16, 168, 251, 312, 380, 444, 520, 591;

on answer to Presidents speech, 594.

Kitchell, Aaron, Representative from New Jersey, 316, 388, 455, 527, 604;

on the ratio of representation, 328;

on the execution of the British treaty, 734.

Kittera, John W., Representative from Pennsylvania, 323, 388, 455, 527, 604;

on reference of letter of Secretary of War, 569;

on the right to Indian lands within a State, 578;

on the execution of the British treaty, 729.

La Fayette, bill relative to the accounts of, 448;

son of, letter from, 740.

Lands, Western, disposal of, 99;

report of committee, 113;

plan of land office, 115.

See Public Lands.

Langdon, John, Senator from New Hampshire, 9, 168, 251, 309,

380, 441, 520, 590;

elected President of Senate, 9;

on committee of arrangements for reception of President, 10;

address to Vice President on his taking the chair, 11;

administers the oath to the Vice President according to law, 15;

elected President of Senate pro tem., in the absence of Vice President, and President pro tem., 380;

elected President pro tem. of Senate, 441.

Latimer, Henry, Representative from Delaware, 527.

Latimer, Hugh, Senator from Maryland, 524, 591.

Lawrence, John, Representative from New York, 22, 175, 255, 315, 388;

remarks on laying duties on imports as proposed, 24;

remarks on duty on distilled spirits, 38;

favors high duty on beer, 33;

do. duty on candles, 35;

advocates duty on salt, 39, 40;

on requiring oaths of State officers, 52;

favors permanent rate of tonnage duties, 55, 56;

on the object of duties, 65;

doubts the propriety of limiting the impost bill, 78;

on duties of Secretary of Treasury, 112;

on the compensation of the President, 116;

opposes furnishing houses, &c., 116;

on the form of amending the constitution, 135;

on the location of the seat of Government, 149;

on the manner of persuading members, 154;

on the constitutional requirements for a seat of Government, 160;

on the mode and reason for admitting foreigners to citizenship, 185;

further remarks, 187;

on the validity of the full amount of the debt, 195;

on effects of stopping importation of slaves, 202;

on Pennsylvania memorial, 209;

presents the address of Society of Friends in New York against the African slave trade, 211;

on discrimination of public creditors, 213;

on a seat of Government, 244;

further remarks, 247;

moves to strike out "Potomac," and insert Baltimore, 249;

on price of public lands, 261;

further remarks, 262;

on excise bill, 264;

on vacancy in the Presidency, 268;

on officers, 271;

on the commitment of the bill for a bank of the United States, 273;

speech on the bank, 284;

on claim of John Torrey, 317;

on ratio of representation, 320;

further remarks, 322;

on the bill for the encouragement of the cod fishery, 361;

on attendance of Secretary of War, 391, 392;

on discharging committee on defeat of St. Clair, 394;

on official conduct of Secretary of Treasury, 426;

further remarks, 427.

Learned, Amasa, Representative from Connecticut, 315, 388, 455, 527.

Lee, Richard Bland, Representative from Virginia, 21, 175, 235, 317, 465, 527;

on duty on steel, 35;

on duty on nails, &c., 38;

makes report of Committee on Messages between the two Houses, 45;

favors a limited time for the impost bill to be in force, 77;

on citizenship during absence, 97;

favors discrimination in the pay of members of the two Houses of Congress, 123;

offers a resolution on the principles which should control the choice of a seat of Government, 146;

further remarks, 147;

vote, 147;

further remarks, 148;

do. on the Potomac, 153, 161;

in favor of New York for seat of Government, 163;

do. on amendments of the Senate to House bill on seat of Government, 165;

on a seat of Government, 243;

on official conduct of Secretary of Treasury, 429;

on harmony between the Eastern and Southern States, 560.

Lee, Richard Henry, Senator from Virginia, 9, 254;

on committee on rules in cases of conference, 1st Congress, 10;

do. on manner of electing chaplains, 10;

do. on rules of business, 10;

appointed on Judiciary Committee, 1st Congress, 10;

on committee for conducting reception of President, 11;

on committee on titles of President and Vice President, 13.

Leonard, George, Representative from Massachusetts, 21, 175, 250, 388, 604.

Lewis, --, counsel for petitioners relative to seat of Albert Gallatin, 449;

speech of, 449, 452.

Liberty street, New York, name of, 563.

Lighthouses, &c., bill for the establishment of, passed, 129.

Lincoln, Benjamin, votes for, as Vice President, 10.

Linn, William, elected chaplain of the House, 46.

List of Persons employed in Treasury Department reported to the House, 406;

do. employed in War Department, reported to the House, 406.

Livermore, Samuel, Representative from New Hampshire, 46, 175, 255, 315, 388;

considers motion to lay duty on African slaves improper at that time, 74;

on the time of extending the impost bill, 77;

on the Executive Departments, 86;

on removals, 89;

on the power to remove officers, 107;

on the power of originating bills, 110;

on a salary for the President, 117;

on form of amending the constitution, 135;

motion relative to the amendment of the constitution touching freedom of conscience, 138;

on the doctrine of instruction, 142;

further remarks, 143;

on funding the debts of the States 192;

do. on the reduction of the debt from its nominal value, 196;

on discrimination among the public creditors, 227;

on a seat of Government, 247;

on excise bill, 265;

on excise officers, 271;

on vacancy in the Presidency, 267, 268;

on the bill for the encouragement of the cod fisheries, 360;

on American coins, 371;

further remarks, 371;

against attendance of Secretary of War, 391;

on official conduct of Secretary of Treasury, 428;

Senator from New Hampshire, 441, 520, 590.

Livingston, Edward, Representative from New York, 604;

on salary for members of Congress, 636;

on the treaty with Great Britain, 640;

on the rights of the House relative to treaties, 675.

Locke, Matthew, Representative from North Carolina, 455, 527, 604.

Lyman, Samuel, Representative from Massachusetts, 604;

on rights of the House relative to treaties, 658;

on the execution of the British treaty, 706.

Lyman, William, Representative from Massachusetts, 455, 527, 604;

on the flag of the Union, 461;

opposes the duties on manufactured tobacco and refined sugar, 507;

on the President's speech, 534;

on reference of letter of Secretary of War, 569;

on intruders on Indian lands, 587;

on the reports of the debates, 632;

on rights of the House relative to treaties, 670;

on the admission of Tennessee, 755.

M

McDowell, Joseph, Representative from North Carolina, 455, 528;

against duty on sugar, 518;

against raising a force for the protection of a S.W. frontier, 517;

on admitting the delegate south of the Ohio, 529;

on the President's speech, 535, 539;

on amending the naturalization laws by requiring foreigners to renounce their slaves, 559;

on the right to Indian lands within a State, 580;

on difficulties with the Indians, 587.

McIntosh, Lachlan, nominated as naval officer at Savannah, 17.

Maclay, William, Senator from Pennsylvania, 9, 168, 251;

appointed on Judiciary Committee, first Congress, 10;

on committee on future disposition of papers of late Secretary of Congress, 10;

on committee on rules in cases of conference, first Congress, 10;

on manner of electing chaplains, 10;

on rules of business, 10.

Maclay, Samuel, Representative from Pennsylvania, 604.

Macon, Nathaniel, Representative from North Carolina, 388, 455, 527, 604;

on the right to Indian lands within a State, 579;

on the resolution relative to the heirs of Count de Grasse, 583;

on establishing Indian trading houses, 625, note, 625;

on the admission of Tennessee, 756.

Madeira Wine, proposed duty on, 81;

duty on, 32.

Madison, James, Jr., Representative from Virginia, 21, 175, 255, 315, 388, 455, 527, 604;

informs the Senate that the House agrees that the notifications of the election of President and Vice President be made by the former, 10;

on a committee to report a bill regulating oaths, 22;

speech introducing the measure for imposing impost and tonnage duties, 23;

his manner of proceeding, note, 23;

further speech on laying duties on imports, 25;

on duty on distilled spirits, 28; on duty on molasses, 29;

on duty on salt beef, 34;

on duty on beer, 34;

proposes duty on hemp, 36, 38;

on duty on nails, &c., 38;

on duty on salt, 40;

opposes duty on teas, 42;

on drawback on distilled spirits, 43;

on high duties, 44;

reports an answer to Washington's Inaugural, 47;

on tonnage duties and their equality, 50;

on tonnage duties, 53, 55;

do. discrimination of, 56;

on the scale of duties proposed, 60, 62;

where the burden of duties would operate, 64;

opposes title for President as hostile to spirit of the Government, 67, 68;

thinks arguments against duty on molasses inconsistent, &c., 71;

further remarks, 71;

remarks on the motion to lay a duty on African slaves imported, 75, 76;

moves a limitation clause to the impost bill-respecting the time of its continuance, 77;

remarks on the same, 77, 80;

withdraws his motion to limit impost bill and introduces another, 83;

on organization of the Treasury Department, 84;

moves the organization of three departments, 86;

on power of President to remove officers, 86;

further remarks, 87;

remarks on citizenship, 97;

on the admission of Rhode Island, 101;

on the power of removal of officers, 104;

on the power to report plans of revenue by the Secretary of the Treasury, 112;

on the compensation of the President, 117;

on the compensation of the Vice President, 121;

thinks discrimination in the pay of Senators and Representatives necessary, 124;

moves a discrimination in the pay of members of the two Houses, 131;

on the form of amendment of the constitution, 134;

on the amendment to the constitution relative to the freedom of conscience, 137;

further remarks, 138;

on the right of instruction, 139;

on the principles which should govern the selection of a seat of Government, 147;

further remarks, 147, 148, 151;

on deliberation in choosing the seat of Government, 154;

on the place for a seat of Government, 155;

further remarks, 160; constitutional objection, 164;

further remarks on amendments of the Senate, 166;

further remarks, 167;

on census of United States, 181;

on residence as essential to naturalization, 186;

on the constitutional privilege to import African slaves, 201;

further remarks favoring the commitment of the Quaker memorial as harmless, 204;

on propriety of committing Pennsylvania memorial, 211;

moves to discriminate between original creditors and present holders of public debt, 205;

do. speech thereon, 205, 223;

announces the death of Dr. Franklin, 239;

on a seat of Government, 245;

further remarks, 248;

on answer to President's message, 258;

on excise bill, 264;

on vacancy in the Presidency, 268;

on the commitment of the bill for a bank of the United States, 273;

do. speech on the bank, 274, 306;

on the bill for the encouragement of the cod fisheries, 361;

on attendance of the Secretary of War to report, 391, 392;

on the case of General St. Clair, 393;

further, 394;

on official conduct of Secretary of Treasury, 431;

on the French emigrants from St. Domingo, 462;

on the relief of the French emigrants, 474;

on the preparations for the Algerine War, 475, 477, 479;

speech on the commerce of the United States, 458, 465, 469;

on duties on tobacco and sugar, 510;

against the bill to increase the army, 516;

on the delegate south of the Ohio, 531;

on indemnification to sufferers by Pennsylvania insurgents, 549;

on amending naturalization laws, 555;

on the exclusion of titled foreigners from citizenship, 557;

on the renunciation of nobility for citizenship, 562, 565;

on reference of letter of Secretary of War, 567;

on the Randall bribery case, 610;

moves a resolution on post roads, 637;

on the pay of the Speaker, 638;

on the call for papers on the British treaty, 640;

on rights of the House relative to treaties, 648;

on the resolutions relative to the refusal of the President to furnish papers on the treaty with Great Britain, 696;

on the execution of the treaty with Great Britain, 702.

Malbone, Francis, Representative from Rhode Island, 457, 527, 604.

Malt, duty on fixed, 38.

Marshall, Humphrey, Senator from Kentucky, 591.

Martin, Alexander, Senator from North Carolina, 442, 520, 591.

Maryland, offers ten miles square to Congress for a seat of Government, 81;

vote for President, 10, 385.

Mason, Stevens T., Senator from Virginia, 591;

on answer to the President's speech, 594.

Massachusetts.-Vote for President, 10, 385.

Matthews, George, Representative from Georgia, 175, 255.

Matthews, James, elected doorkeeper, 10.

Maxwell, Cornelius, appointed messenger by the Senate, 10.

Mebane Alexander, Representative from North Carolina, 455, 527.

Members of the House.-See Representation.

Mercer, John Francis, Representative from Maryland, 320, 360;

on the protection of the frontiers, 348;

on the stamp of American coins, 372;

on the publication of the debates, 379;

on official conduct of Secretary of Treasury, 427;

on the legality of the sequestration of British debts, 484.

Message, &c., between the two Houses-report of House Committee, 45;

from the President, 167;

of the President, 251;

from the President, on commerce with England, 308;

of the President, first session, second Congress, 310, note, 311;

of the President to Senate, on fugitives from justice, 312;

from the President on defeat of St. Clair, 330;

of the President, with a veto of the apportionment bill, 374;

of the President to second session of second Congress, 381;

from the President, on Spanish interference, 389;

of the President to first session of third Congress, 442;

of the President, on foreign relations, 443;

of President, relative to South-western frontier, 447;

from the President, relative to foreign relations, 454;

of the President, to second session of third Congress, 520;

of President to the House, declining to furnish papers relative to the treaty with Great Britain, 692, note, 692;

message, see Address.

Milledge, John, Representative from Georgia, 396, 605;

on the reduction of the army, 407;

on the rights of the House relative to treaties, 685.

Milton, John, votes for, as Vice President, in 1789, 10.

Mint, establishment of.-Bill from the Senate to establish a mint considered, 371;

moved to strike out clause requiring a representation of the head of the President, &c., on the coins, and insert emblems of Liberty, &c., 371;

the practice of monarchs not to be regarded 371;

the emblems of Liberty more acceptable to the people, 371;

no consequence whether the head of Liberty or that of the President is on the coins, 371;

motion carried, 371;

disagreement of the Senate, 371;

moved that the House recede, 371;

no friend of the President could refuse such a tribute to him, 372;

compared with the other representation, 372;

tyrants' heads have been stamped on the coin, 372;

republican cautions not a subject to be treated with levity, 372;

motion to recede lost, 373;

facts relative to the coinage of cents, 546;

committee of examination, &c., appointed, 547.

Mitchell, Stephen Mix, Senator from Connecticut, 442, 524.

Molasses, proposed duty on, 29;

duty on, 31;

duty on considered, 69;

decided, 73.

See Duties on imports.

Monroe, James, Senator from Virginia, 251, 380, 441.

Montgomery, William, Representative from Pennsylvania, 456, 528;

on Indian trading houses, 586.

Moore, Andrew, Representative from Virginia, 21, 175, 255, 315, 388, 455, 527, 604;

on duty on hemp, 36, 37;

opposes duty on salt as unjust, 39;

opposes discrimination in the pay of members of the two Houses, 124;

on the reduction of the army, 410;

on the execution of the British treaty, 727.

Morris, Robert, Senator from Pennsylvania, 9, 168, 251, 309, 380, 441, 520.

Muhlenberg, Frederick A., Representative from Pennsylvania, 21, 175, 255, 315, 388, 455, 527, 604;

elected Speaker, 21;

speech on thanks tendered him by the House, 308;

chosen Speaker, 455;

do. note, 455;

against a duty of two cents on sugar, 511;

answer to thanks of House, 590.

Muhlenberg, Peter, Representative from Pennsylvania, 21, 175, 255, 315, 388, 455, 527;

on committee for reception of President, 27;

appointed on a committee to draft a bill relative to the importation of African slaves, 84.

Murray, William Vans, Representative from Maryland, 320, 388, 456, 527, 604;

does a resignation produce a vacancy, 329;

on the bill for the encouragement of the cod fisheries, 351;

further remarks, 356;

on attendance of Secretary of War, 392;

on discharging committee on defeat of St. Clair, 395;

on the reduction of the army, 414;

on the relief of the Trench emigrants, 474;

on conducting the Algerine war, 478;

against continuing the embargo, 501;

on force to protect S. W. frontier, 517;

on the President's speech, 532, 536;

on thanks to Gen. Wayne, 544;

on the renunciation of nobility for citizenship, 562;

for the reference of letter of Secretary of War, 566, 567;

on the right to Indian lands within a State, 578;

on Indian trading houses, 586; on intruders on Indian lands, 588;

on the answer to President's speech, 606;

on the attempt at bribery by Robert Randall, 610, 612;

statement of the case of Randall and Whitney, 617;

on establishing Indian trading-houses, 625;

on the support of existing establishments, 627, 628;

on the pay of the Speaker, 639;

opposes the resolution calling for papers on British treaty, 640.

N

Nails and Spikes, debate on duty on, 38; do. fixed, 38.

Naturalization Laws.-The bill under consideration, 184;

motion to strike out "and shall have resided in the U. S. one year," 184;

it was policy to let aliens come in and take the oath, and hold lands without any residence, 184;

some security for their fidelity and allegiance was required, 185;

without a residence the terms are too cheap, 185;

policy of European nations, 185;

does not apply here, 185;

we should be inconsistent by prescribing too long a term for the enjoyment of our privileges, 185;

foreign merchants could evade additional duties on foreign vessels unless residence was required, 185;

the reason of admitting foreigners is to encourage emigration and people our large tract of country, 185;

a long term may restrain emigration, 185;

cautions necessary to guard against abuses, 186;

the object is not merely to swell the catalogue of the people, but add to the wealth and strength of the community, 186;

the admission step by step is a nice question, but residence should be required, 186;

a sufficient residence should be required for the privilege of electing and being elected, 186;

many of the States admit aliens step by step, 186;

doubtful if the constitution authorizes Congress to say on what terms aliens may hold land in the respective States, 186;

Congress possesses power only to make a uniform rule of naturalization, 186;

if the motion prevails, vagrants, paupers, and outcasts of Europe will find too easy an admission to citizenship, 187;

some probation necessary and testimonials of a proper and decent behavior, 187;

no creditable man can think such terms difficult, 187;

grand jury or district courts could determine on the character of the man, 175;

excluding bad men impracticable, 187;

propriety of residence doubted, 187;

every person, rich or poor, adds to our wealth and strength, 187;

citizenship can be made progressive, 187;

policy of settling the vacant territory by emigration doubtful, 188;

some probation requisite, 188;

some classes should be received with encouragement, 188;

others excluded, 188;

naturalization progressive in England, 189;

in some States an act of the Legislature is now required-this is sufficiently easy, 189;

unless some residence is required confusion may arise, 189;

no person should hold land without a residence and an intention of becoming a citizen, 189;

story of voting in Philadelphia, 189;

two years inserted in the bill, note, 190;

act to establish a uniform rate of naturalization considered, 555;

moved to insert the words "attached to a Republican form of government," 555;

or "attached to the Constitution of the United States," 555;

both superfluous, 555;

word Republican very indefinite, 555;

do. used in the constitution, 555;

difficult for many citizens to find two reputable witnesses, 555;

other amendments proposed, 555;

do. to strike out word "moral" in the words good moral character, 556;

the word too strict, 556;

the whole useless, 556;

moved to exclude from citizenship any emigrant who had borne a title of nobility, 557;

reasons for the same, 557;

better be required to renounce every thing contrary to the spirit of the constitution, 557;

nothing more grateful to a republican than to see them renounce their titles, 557;

the title is destroyed when the allegiance is broken, 558;

if we cannot manufacture a commodity at home, it is unlawful to import it from abroad, 558;

yeas and nays threatened, 558;

moved to amend by requiring the emigrant to renounce the possession of all slaves, 558;

not a proper connection with the subject, 558;

the amendment unnecessary, as slavery was declining fast as possible, 558;

the amendment a retaliation upon those who call for the yeas and nays, 559;

both amendments unnecessary, 559;

what right had the House to say one class of people shall not have that kind of property which others have? 559;

amendment withdrawn, 560;

further discussion relative to renouncing titles of nobility, 561, 562, 563, 564, 565;

amendment adopted, 566.

Naval Establishment, on a permanent, 481.

Navy, officers of.-Report of the committee on the memorial of officers of the Navy relative to a difference of pay compared with the officers of the army, 239;

justice of their claims, 240;

origin of commutation, 240;

the grounds of their claims, 240;

circumstances which led to a distinction, 240;

no precedent for extending commutation to officers of the navy, 240;

examination of the grounds of these demands, 241;

difference between officers of the army and navy, 241;

claims strictly just, 241.

Neville, Joseph, Representative from Virginia, 456, 527.

New, Anthony, Representative from Virginia, 455, 527, 606.

New Hampshire, vote for President, 10, 385.

New Jersey, vote for President, 10, 385.

New York City Corporation, vote of thanks to, 250.

New York, vote for President in 1793, 385.

Nicholas, John, Representative from Virginia, 455, 528, 606;

on the French emigrants from St. Domingo, 463;

on the relief of, 474;

speech on the commerce of the United States, 468;

on the power of the Algerines, 476, 478;

on the advance of money to France, 514;

on the bill to protect the South-western frontiers, 517;

on the President's speech, 532, 536, 538;

on indemnification to sufferers by the Pennsylvania insurgents, 541, 548;

on amending the naturalization laws, 555, 556;

on exclusion of titled foreigners from citizenship, 558;

on the reference of a letter of the Secretary of War, 566;

on the reduction of salaries, 572;

on the right to Indian lands within a State, 577;

on the Randall bribery case, 615;

on the resolution relative to bribery, 621;

on the support of existing establishments, 628;

on a stenographer for the House, 631;

on a salary for members of Congress, 636;

on rights of the House relative to treaties, 641;

on the execution of the British treaty, 710;

on the military and naval appropriations, 766.

Niles, Nathaniel, Representative from Vermont, 317, 388, 527;

on the Electoral College, 333;

on the flag of the Union, 461.

Non-intercourse with Great Britain, see Great Britain.

North Carolina, vote for President in 1793, 385.

O

Oaths, a bill to regulate the time and manner of administering certain, reported, 11;

administered to Vice President and each Senator, 15;

to Secretary of Senate, 15;

leave to bring in a bill, in the House-form of, for the members of the House, 22;

of President-proceedings of the House after its administration, 46.

Amendments of the Senate to the bill regulating the time and manner of taking oaths, 51;

whence is derived the power to oblige members of State Legislatures to take this oath? 51;

no doubt respecting the powers of Congress on the subject, 51;

if left to State Legislatures, different laws might be passed, and different degrees of obligation required, 51;

the power appears to be generally conceded; the principle of policy should be examined, 51;

not a suitable time; it argues a jealousy in the national Government, 52;

the States should comply with an act of Congress, 52;

Congress has not the power to carry it into effect, 52;

Congress has such power, 52;

the policy depends on a variety of circumstances, 52;

it may be considered an interference with the State Governments, 53;

no reason offered by the Senate for concurrence, 53;

a general provision better than particular ones, 53;

no other Legislature capable to make one, 53;

it is the duty of the House to detail the general principles laid down by the constitution, and reduce them to practice, 53.

O'Brien, Richard, petition of, 389.

Officers, removal of, 102;

debate on the power of the President, 103.

See Executive Departments.

Orr, Alexander D., Representative from Kentucky, 457, 528.

Otis, Samuel Alyne, elected Secretary of the Senate, 10.

P

Page, John, Representative from Virginia, 21, 175, 317, 388, 477, 546, 604;

presides in Committee of Whole, 22, 24, 27, 33, 37, 39, 41, 42;

on application to amend the constitution, 48;

on tonnage duties-experience of Virginia, 56;

presides in Committee of the Whole, 57, 58, 71;

opposed to all titles for the President, 66, 68;

on the admission of Rhode Island, 101;

remarks on the Treasury Department, 109;

further remarks, 110;

on the compensation of President, &c., 116;

further remarks, 119;

do. on Vice President, 122;

on amount of compensation of members, 129, 132;

on the right of Instruction, 139;

do. further, 143;

on the admission of reporters for the press, 180;

on making easy terms of naturalization, 185, 187;

on the public debt, 193;

urges commitment of Pennsylvania memorial, 210;

on discrimination among the public creditors, 221;

do. further remarks, 228;

on a seat of Government, 247;

speech on ratio of Representation, 325;

a bill for the encouragement of the cod fisheries, 364;

on the head to be stamped on American coins, 371, 372;

on discharging committee in case of St. Clair, 395;

on reference to the Committee of the Whole of the resolutions relative to the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, 420;

on the exclusion of titled foreigners from citizenship, 557;

on reference of letter of Secretary of War, 570;

on the reduction of salaries, 573;

on the support of existing establishments, 627;

on the pay of the Speaker, 638;

on the rights of the House relative to treaties, 664;

on the execution of the British treaty, 726.

Paine, Elijah, Senator from Vermont, 591.

Paine, Wingate, Representative from New Hampshire, 455, 527.

Paris.-Letter of President of Commonalty on death of Dr. Franklin, 256.

Parker, Jonathan, Representative from Virginia, 21, 175, 259, 388;

appointed by House to make list of votes for President when counted in the Senate, 22;

appointed on Committee of Supplies, 46;

appointed of Committee of Conference on subject of title of President-because it is all repugnant to republicanism, 67;

moves a duty on importation of African slaves, 73, 74;

withdraws motion for duty on African slaves, 76;

appointed on committee to draft a bill relative to the importation of African slaves, 84;

on duties on distilled spirits, 263;

further remarks, 264.

Parker, Josiah, Representative from Virginia, 456, 527, 604;

on the reduction of the army, 399;

further remarks, 405;

on the commerce of the United States, 472;

against the embargo laws, 499;

on the President's speech, 539;

on resolutions of thanks to General Wayne, 543;

on Indian trading houses, 585;

on the address to the President, 605, 606;

on establishing Indian trading houses, 625, 633.

Partridge, George, Representative from Massachusetts, 22, 175, 255;

on duty on molasses, 31;

on duty on hemp, 36, 37.

Paterson, William, Senator from New Jersey, 9, 168;

appointed on Judiciary Committee, first Congress, 10;

on committee to prepare answer to Washington's Inaugural, 12;

resigns his seat in Senate, 251.

Patton, John, Representative from Delaware, 457, 604.

Pennsylvania.-Vote for President, 10, 385.

Pennsylvania Insurgents.-The recommendation of compensation to the sufferers by the Pennsylvania insurgents considered, 546;

proposed to confine it to officers of the Government, 547;

sound policy required indemnification of the sufferers, 547;

the whole affair but a trifle, not twenty thousand dollars, 547;

there should be no discrimination, 547;

it should be confined to persons who had suffered in defence of Government, 547;

a private person more entitled to indemnification than revenue officers who are paid for their services, 547;

let the sufferers have recourse to the laws, 547;

Government equally bound to make compensation to those who suffered by British soldiers, 548;

amendment rejected, 548;

on the bill before the House, immediate indemnity, objected to, 548;

if you pay the claims you cut off civil process, 549;

it becomes a precedent, 549;

the measure will encourage a spirit to suppress insurrections, and it may encourage insurrections, 549;

resolution is unsound policy, 549;

the subject should be postponed to another session, 550;

no civil process will lie in the case, 550;

the amendment to confine the damages to citizens personally aiding or assisting the officers, considered, 551;

it becomes the honor and justice of the Legislature to indemnify them, 551;

the point of law considered relative to civil actions, 552;

the British had practised indemnification to the Royalists, 553;

previous question carried, 553;

other amendments added, 554.

Person, Thomas, petition of, see Indian lands within States, &c.

Petition, of Catharine Greene, 335;

of William Dunbar, in behalf of the heir of George Galphin, 383;

of Richard O'Brien, 339;

of Warner Mifflin, on subject of negro slavery, 397;

to make Hudson, N. Y., port of entry, 410;

of Conrad Laub, respecting the seat of Albert Gallatin in the Senate, 442;

from the Quakers of Rhode Island, relative to the slave trade, 446.

Philadelphia.-Letter from Commissioners offering Congress the Court House, 251.

Pickens, Andrew, Representative from South Carolina, 457, 528.

Pinkney, William, resignation of, 320.

Post Office.-Bill to establish post offices and post roads, 249;

moved to empower Postmasters General to establish certain roads under the direction of the President, 249;

reasons for opposing a concurrence in this amendment, 249;

reasons in favor of the amendment, 249.

Franking Privilege under consideration, 330;

it is presumed no gentleman will ask a member to frank for him, 330;

if abuses arise, Legislature can correct them, 330;

to take away privilege of franking would level a deadly stroke at the freedom of the press, 331;

dangerous to take any measures that may stop the channels of public information, 331;

franking granted, not as a personal benefit, but for the good of the constituents, 331;

means of bringing much information to the House, 331;

some restrictions can be put on it, 331;

equally as objectionable in the hands of the President, 331;

so long as it is advantageous to citizens it should not be relinquished, 331;

motion to withdraw the privilege from members of both Houses, 332;

the security of the people is that their Representatives are subject to the same regulations as themselves, 332;

Congress enjoys only such rights as are mentioned in the charter, 332;

people view this privilege with a jealous eye, 332;

example of Great Britain shows to what an enormous height the abuse can be carried, 332;

the privilege is unequal in its operation, 332;

the diminution of revenue not a sufficient reason for abolishing the privilege, 332;

revenue a secondary consideration, 332;

if this privilege be taken away, the avenues of information cut off, 333;

various other considerations in favor of retaining the privilege considered, 333;

bill passed, 335.

Post Roads from Maine to Georgia, resolution relative to a survey of, &c., considered, 637;

the business of the General Government to undertake the improvement of roads, 637;

present roads greatly improved by adopting the resolution, 637;

not right to apply revenues of post office to this object, 637;

resolution offered by Mr. Madison, 637.

Potts, Richard, Senator from Maryland, 384, 447, 524, 591.

Presidency, Vacancy in.-Bill declaring what officer, in case of vacancy in the offices of President and Vice President, shall act as President, 267;

it must be an officer of the United States by the constitution, 267;

shall he hold for the remainder of the term, or only until a new election? 267;

Secretary of State, 267;

President of the Senate, pro tem., moved, 267;

this last motion repugnant to the constitution, 267;

the matter is left with the Legislature, 267;

Chief Justice a suitable officer, 268;

objections to different officers, 268;

delay urged, 268;

unnecessary, 268;

considerations respecting various officers, 269;

the contingency might not happen more than once in eight hundred years, 270;

further objections to Secretary of State, 270;

motion to strike out clause providing the President of the Senate, pro tem., or the Speaker of the House shall act as President, in case of a vacancy, 334;

subject of not immediate importance, 334;

objected to as not connected with other parts of the bill, 334;

necessary the business should be decided, 334;

bill unconstitutional-neither the President, pro tem., nor Speaker, nor officers of the government in the sense contemplated, 334;

Speaker no more an officer of the government than any member of the House, 334;

unconstitutionality further considered, 334.

President, vote for, in 1789, 10;

in 1793, 385;

compensation of, 16, 17;

message on disputes between some of the States and the Indian tribes, 16;

on the rejection by the Senate of the nomination of Benjamin Fishbourn, 17;

meets the Senate in consultation, 18;

note, 18;

message to Senate on hostilities of Wabash Indians, 19;

on ratification of treaties with Indian tribes, 19;

message communicating the death of the Dauphin of France to the Senate, 20;

on adjournment of Congress, 20;

his reply to the address of the House, 57;

his power to remove officers, 86;

declared by vote, 90;

compensation of, 116;

debate on, 116;

salary fixed, 120;

message to House, 167;

his reply to address of the Senate, 170;

his term of office, when commenced, 171;

his message to the Senate on the accession of Rhode Island to the Union, 172;

on conferring a brevet commission on a French officer, 172;

message from, to the Senate, 173;

note, 173;

question of consultation addressed to the Senate, 173;

message to Senate on treaty with Indian tribes, 173;

his reply to address of the House, 179;

message to Senate on surrender of Western posts by the British, 254;

reply to answer of the Senate, 313;

reply to address of House, 316;

reply to Senate's address, 383;

inaugural address at second election, 387;

counting votes for, 418;

answer to address of the Senate, 444;

reply to address of the House, 457;

reply to Senate's address, 523;

reply to House address, 542;

message to Senate with colors of French Republic, 597;

answer to address of the House, 597;

reply to address of the House, 609;

message to the House with the French Flag, 616;

answer to French Minister on presentation of French Flag, 617;

message relative to intruders on Cherokee lands, 635.

Preston, Francis, Representative from Virginia, 455, 527, 606;

on the execution of the British treaty, 740.

Protection of American commerce, see Commerce;

do. of frontiers, see Frontiers.

Protective duties, how far sustained by the debate on the impost bill, note, 84.

Protest, or dissent of any Senator-motion to grant right to enter on the journal of the Senate-negatived, 16.

Provost, Samuel, elected chaplain of the Senate, 11.

Public lands, debate on resolutions respecting the disposal of the land in the Western territory, 99;

speedy measures necessary to be taken, 99;

a land office should be opened to sell the land in small quantities, 99;

great numbers of people are on the ground waiting to purchase, 100;

they will move to Spanish Territory, or take possession of ours without leave, 100;

other reasons showing the necessity of doing something, 100;

this business should not be precipitated, 101;

some early measures necessary, 101.

Resolution to establish a land office and fix terms of granting vacant lands in the west, considered, 113;

character of the emigration, 114;

adhesion to the Union, 115;

organization of a land office, 115;

its system of business, 115;

resolution adopted, 116;

on a resolution to establish a land office at the seat of Government, &c., 260;

details of the business, 260;

better to settle general principles, 260;

perfect liberty in selection by purchasers most for the interest of the Government, 260;

reasons against indiscriminate location, 260;

bad effects of, 261;

manner of laying out land by late Congress, 261;

moved that the price thirty cents per acre be struck out, 261;

various prices proposed, 261;

motion lost, 261;

moved-the price be not less than thirty cents per acre, 261;

the policy of the Government is to fix a price so reasonable that any can pay, 261;

relative value of lands in several States, 261;

no discretion for determining the price should be left to any one, 262;

considerations for and against fixing a price, 262;

practice of some States, 262.

Q

Question, the previous-note, 101;

ordered, 102.

Quorum, at first session of Senate when formed, 9.

R

Ramsey, David, petition to the House on eligibility of Wm. Smith, 33.

Randall, Robert, charged with an attempt at bribery, 609;

arrest of, 611;

trial before the House, 618.

Read, George, Senator from Delaware, 10, 251, 309, 380;

resigns his seat in the Senate, 442.

Read, Jacob, Senator from South Carolina, 591;

on answer to President's speech, 595.

Read, John, Representative from Massachusetts, 604;

on the rights of the House relative to treaties, 671.

Reception of President, Senate Committee on, 10;

of President, report of Senate Committee thereon, 11;

of committee on conducting the same, 11;

report of House Committee on, 33;

report of committee appointed for that purpose, 44.

Reduction of Salaries of Executive officers, clerks, &c., and Senators and Representatives, &c., motion for a committee to bring in a bill, 571;

a subject of grievous complaint among citizens, 571;

salaries exorbitant, 571;

other circumstances considered, 571;

experience of members of the House, 572;

the motion unnecessary, 573;

the question arises from misapprehension, 574;

the pay of members considered, 574;

of Speakers, 574;

of Senators, 574;

difference between pay of Senators and Representatives, 575,

note, 575;

present pay small enough, 575;

motion negatived, 575.

Report of House Committee on messages, &c., between the two Houses, 45;

of House Committee of Elections on proceedings relative to the petition of David Ramsey, 45;

of House Committee on title of President, 47;

of committee on unfinished business of last session, 171;

of Special Committee on Quaker memorial, 238;

of Committee of the whole House on Quaker memorial, 239;

note, 239;

on memorial of the officers of the navy, 239;

on mode of examining votes for President, 417;

on admission of the delegate south of the Ohio, 530;

on proceedings in the Randall bribery case, 614.

Reporters, their admission to the House, 180;

blunders of, 181.

Representation, ratio of, moved there be one Representative for every thirty thousand inhabitants, and motion to strike out "thirty," considered, 320;

sense of the States considered, 321;

one to thirty thousand will not give more than an adequate number, 321;

objection on account of expense, considered, 321;

citizens of United States expect this ratio, 321;

thirty should be struck out, 321;

difficult to do business if representation too numerous, 321;

people will be satisfied if ratio is higher, 321;

it will increase expense and the number of public officers, 322;

two points to be considered, viz., what is the proper number to constitute a representative body for the United States, and what ratio will leave the fewest fractions in the States, 322;

thirty-five thousand leave fewest fractions, 322;

an adequate number was the great object, 322;

future sessions will be shorter, 322;

existence of the Union may depend on fulness of representation, 322;

doubtful if a large representation was less liable to corruption than a small one, 322;

philosophical examination of the principle of representation, 322;

the opinion advanced for reducing the representative branch is a dangerous error, 323;

situation of the country calls for great extension of the principle of representation, 323;

other points considered, 323;

the will of the people should be regarded, 324;

expenses, delays, and other objections considered, 324;

is not Congress precluded from exercising any discretion in the matter by the constitution? 324;

is it expedient to do it? 324;

objects of State and Congressional assemblies, 324;

leave the restriction of the number of members to the people, or to some future Congress, 325;

Congress being the creature of the people should not lessen the importance of the people or exclude them from a full share in their own government, 325;

one man cannot know the wishes of thirty-five thousand, therefore the people should not be desired to accede to that ratio, 325;

it is said the President secured the present ratio to the people, and shall we be less solicitous than the President? 326;

no danger of disorders from a large number, 326;

if more wisdom is brought into the House by a larger number, is not also more folly, 326;

the Senate, a smaller body, is as competent as the House, 326;

if we go on theory the representation should be enlarged, 327;

no propriety in comparing the government to that of Great Britain, 327;

no danger of corruption from a large number, 327;

the constitution secures independence of legislature, 327;

a numerous representation tends to weaken, if not destroy, the Government, 327;

the proposed amendment to the constitution should be a guide to the House, 328;

instability of State governments arises from mode of election, 328;

other objections considered, 328;

on the resolution that the representation be one to thirty thousand, adopted, 328.

Apportionment bill, considered, 374;

the people expect one representative for thirty thousand inhabitants, according to the constitution, 375;

grounds of this expectation, 375;

the inequality of representation suggested to result from this ratio is more apparent than real, 375;

objection that the relative influence of the States should not be resorted to in the apportionment of representatives, considered, 375;

the inconveniences of the rule in their greatest extent can never be very great, 375;

the increasing representation considered, with a view to the necessity of establishing in this branch a permanent sympathy with the landed interest, 376;

organization of a moneyed interest, 376;

apprehensions from the principles beginning to be developed, 377;

thirty-three adopted, 377.

Resignation, does it cause a vacancy?-Wm. Pinkney resigned as Representative from Maryland without taking the oath or his seat, John F. Mercer was appointed by the Governor and Council to fill the vacancy under the laws of Maryland, report on considered, 328;

under the constitution a resignation does not cause a vacancy, 328;

in the British House of Commons there can be no resignation, 329;

under the constitution Executives of States are not judges of a vacancy, 329;

great inconvenience would result from a rejection of the report, 329;

no analogy between Parliament of Great Britain and this House, 329;

no part of the constitution prohibits a member from resigning, 329;

it is uncertain how the practice of the British Parliament originated, 329;

vacancies can happen from various causes, 329;

difference between a resignation before and after taking a seat, 329;

great inconvenience of contrary course, 329;

the constitution contemplates resignations, 329;

nothing to show resignations may not take place in one House as well as in the other, 329;

report accepted, 330.

Resolution on the consideration of all bills on a second reading in the Senate, 15;

on contested election of Wm. Smith, 94;

on Executive Departments, 94;

relative to Western lands, 100;

note, 100;

adopted, 101;

relative to the admission of Rhode Island, 101;

relating to Western lands, 113;

adopted, 114;

on the establishment of a land office, 127;

for a Home department, 127;

of thanks to the Speaker at close first Congress, 129;

on adjournment, 129;

on location of seat of Government, 146;

on a central location, 146;

for the appointment of Commissioners to fix seat of Government on Susquehanna, &c., 159, 161, 163;

for Commissioners to fix site for a seat of Government, 163;

proviso offered to, 163;

rejection of, 163;

adoption of resolution, 163;

on unfinished business of last session, 171;

on non-intercourse with Rhode Island, 171;

adopted, 173;

of Senate to attend the funeral of Thomas Bland, 172;

note on, 172;

of Senate on secret article of treaty with the Creek nation, 173;

of Senate relative to a treaty with the Cherokee Indians, 174;

of thanks to the Corporation of New York city, 174;

of adjournment, 174;

of House on Chaplain, 175;

relative to an answer to the President's speech, 177;

on public credit, 190;

relative to eulogium on Dr. Franklin, 259;

on jails of the States, 308;

of the Senate, relative to open doors, 313;

on the ratio of representation, 328;

to refer petition of Catharine Greene to select committee, 341;

on the petition of Catharine Greene, 341;

lost, 341;

on the courtesies of France, 370;

on the petition of Catharine Greene, 370;

of Senate respecting open doors, 384;

on the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, 418;

of thanks to Speaker Dayton, 440;

of Senate relative to amendments of the constitution, 445;

of Senate relative to open doors, 448;

relative to British debts, 482;

of non-intercourse with Great Britain, 498;

on indemnity for spoliation, 503;

of amendments to the constitution 524;

on deported slaves of the Revolution, 525;

amendment, 526;

note, 526;

of thanks to Gen. Wayne and others, 542, 546;

of thanks to the militia of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, 546;

respecting losses by Pennsylvania insurgents, 554;

on excluding titled foreigners from citizenship, 557;

on the right to Indian lands within a State, 582;

relative to the case of Thomas Person and others, 583;

relative to the heirs of Count de Grasse, 583;

relative to intruders on Indian lands, 584;

relative to Indian lands in Georgia, 584;

relative to open doors in the Senate, 593;

note, 594;

in Senate on presentation of French Flag, 597;

relative to attempt at bribery, 621;

on post roads, 637;

on the treaty with Great Britain, 640, 692;

relative to the refusal of the President to furnish papers relative to the treaty with Great Britain, 696;

note, 696;

on the sense of the House relative to the British treaty, 751.

Rhode Island, Admission of.-Resolution desiring Rhode Island to take the necessary steps for admission into the Union, 101;

propriety of interfering in the matter doubtful, 101;

why interfere in the concerns of sister States who have not joined the confederacy, 101;

course of Rhode Island, 101;

not proper for this House to expose themselves to have the invitation rejected, 102;

previous question moved for the first time, 102;

reasons therefor, 102;

decided in the negative, 102;

letter from Governor of, to the President, 171;

proposal of non-intercourse with, 171;

considered in the Senate, 172;

adopted, 173;

vote for President in 1793, 385.

Robinson, Moses, Senator from Vermont, 380, 441, 520, 590.

Ross, James, Senator from Pennsylvania, 523, 591.

Rules.-Senate, committee on, in case of conference, 10;

for conducting business, Senate committee on, first Congress, 10;

of the Senate for open doors, 314.

Rum.-The word changed to distilled spirits, 28; duty on, 28.

Rutherford, John, Senator from New Jersey, 309, 380, 441, 523, 591.

Rutherford, Robert, Representative from Virginia, 455, 527, 604;

objects to the duty on salt, 506;

on the President's speech, 538;

on the reduction of salaries, 573;

on the admission of Tennessee, 754.

Rutledge, John, votes for, as Vice President in 1789, 10.

S

Salt, debate on duty on, 38; duty fixed, 41.

Salted Provisions, drawback on, fixed, 41.

Schureman, James, Representative from New Jersey, 21, 175, 255;

opposes the motion to lay duty on African slaves as improper at that time, 74.

Schuyler, Philip, Senator from New York, 16;

draws lots with Rufus King for length of term, 10, 168, 254.

Scott, Major General, resolution of thanks to, by the House, 546.

Scott, Thomas, Representative from Pennsylvania, 175, 255, 455, 530;

remarks on the principle of discrimination in laying duties, 28;

favors duty on hemp, 36; opposes duty on salt, 39;

on Western lands, 99;

on do., encouragement to emigration, 113;

plan of land-office, 115;

on selecting a seat of government, 155;

on a distinction between foreign and domestic creditors, 194;

further remarks, 197;

do. on the discrimination and liquidation of the public debt, 198;

on constitutionality and propriety of Pennsylvania memorial for the abolition of slavery, 208;

on a seat of Government, 245;

on establishment of a land office, 260;

further remarks, 261;

moves to strike out thirty cents as the price of land, 261;

on the pay of soldiers, 459;

further remarks, 460;

on the relief of the French emigrants, 474;

on exclusion of titled foreigners from citizenship, 558;

on the right to Indian lands within a State, 578;

on intruders on Indian lands, 587.

Seat of Government.-Motion to fix a permanent residence for the general Government of the United States, 145;

a spot on the banks of the Susquehanna regarded as most central, although south of the centre of population, 145;

resolution to locate on east bank of Susquehanna offered, 146;

a great national question, 146;

a preamble of general principles moved, 146;

spot on the Delaware proposed, do. on the Potomac, 146;

preamble regarded as unnecessary, 146, 147;

voted in the negative, 147;

neither centre of wealth, or population, or locality, should decide, as the future may make great changes, 147;

the several places should be considered on their merits, 147;

original motion under consideration, 148;

advantages of the banks of the Susquehanna, 148;

the whole thing arranged out doors, let its consistency with general principles be shown, 148;

answer, 148;

if Eastern members have settled the question let them settle the principles of the government, 149;

the territorial centrality on the Susquehanna denied, 149;

the place proposed comes within the general principles agreed on, 149;

cannot men consult together who have a common interest, 150;

the Susquehanna south-west of the centre of wealth, &c., 150;

the Potomac regarded as unhealthy, 150;

banks of the Potomac the best place, 150;

advantages of Harrisburg, 151;

advantages of the Potomac, 151;

advantages of the Hudson, 151;

various considerations on the subject, 152;

motion to insert Harrisburg, lost, 153;

motion to strike out "east bank of the Susquehanna," and insert Potomac, 158;

remarks thereon, 154;

motion for committee to rise, 154;

attempts to precipitate a decision, 154;

a league between the Northern States and Pennsylvania against the South, 155;

opposition in New England to the Potomac, 155;

this business should be decided under an equal attention to the rights of the community, 155;

effects of an uncentral location, 156;

seat should be the centre of the Union, 156;

Potomac the centre, 157;

facts respecting the Susquehanna, 157;

objections to the Potomac considered, 157;

arguments in favor of the Susquehanna, 158;

motion to strike out Susquehanna and insert Potomac, lost, 159;

motion to insert "or Potomac" after Susquehanna, lost, 159;

resolution for appointment of commissioners to examine, report to the President, and purchase on east bank of Susquehanna, &c., offered, 159;

the site should be ceded, 159;

the jurisdiction be exclusive, 160;

several States offered a cession, 160;

the reproach of bargaining, 160;

do. repelled, 160;

opposition of Southern members made to prevent an improper decision, 160;

motion to insert "north bank of Potomac" for east bank of Susquehanna, lost, 161;

do. to insert Wilmington, &c., lost, 161;

do. to insert Potomac, Susquehanna, or Delaware, lost, 162;

do. to insert "either side of the Delaware," &c., lost, 162;

do. to insert "banks" for east bank, carried, 162;

do. to insert "or Maryland " after Pennsylvania, lost, 162;

do. to insert "Wilmington" for city of New York, lost, 163;

do. to insert "Philadelphia" for New York, lost, 163;

bill to establish a seat of government, considered, 164;

moved to confine the choice between the mouth of Checkiselungo creek and the mouth of the Susquehanna, 164;

moved to strike out all that part of the bill making New York the temporary seat of government, as unconstitutional, 164;

bill passed, 164;

do. passed by the Senate, with amendments, and returned to the House, 165;

motion to postpone its consideration, 165;

House should not be influenced by the Senate keeping the appropriation bill as a hostage, 165;

insinuation wrongful, 165;

amendment of Senate changes the tenor of the bill, 165;

Germantown most proper spot, 165;

arguments for postponement, 166;

motion lost, 166;

motion to concur with Senate, 166;

advantages of Germantown, 166;

a costly location, 167;

a departure from every principle adopted by the House, 167;

an amendment moved and carried, 167;

on Committee of the Whole on a bill from the Senate fixing the temporary and permanent seat of government, debated, 242;

moved to strike out "Potomac" and insert "a district to include the town of Baltimore," 242;

centrality is not an idea which predominates in regard to any other country, 242;

if the clause is struck out the bill will be lost, 242;

consideration of the relative interests of the Southern, Middle, and Northern States, 243;

a central position necessary, 243;

the merits of the question, 243;

map of the Potomac, 243;

reasons in favor of Baltimore, 243;

objections to the place proposed, 244;

Philadelphia will become the permanent residence, 244;

no necessity for moving temporary residence, 244;

Potomac a national location, 244;

only three States can claim it, 244;

advantages of the Potomac, 245;

advantages and disadvantages of the two places compared, 245;

centrality of the Potomac, 245;

not the time to fix the seat of government, 245;

objections considered, 246;

New York a temporary seat, 246;

history of the Quakers, 246;

conduct of New York during the war, 247;

conduct of her Senators on this question, 247;

Baltimore the place on the map, 247;

character of New York, 247;

advantages of Baltimore, 247;

principles of the bill, 247;

no State has a right to the seat of government, 248;

report of a committee of the late Congress, 248;

Baltimore or the Potomac too far south, 248;

Baltimore nearest the centre, 248;

after present ferment has subsided, Potomac will be considered the bond of the Union, 248;

improvements on the Potomac, 248;

difficulty of ever removing from Philadelphia if made temporary residence, 248;

proceedings at last session, 248;

motion lost, 248;

moved to strike out Potomac and insert Delaware, 249;

motion lost, 249;

do. to strike out Potomac and insert Germantown, 249;

do. lost, 249;

do. to strike out Potomac and insert Baltimore, 249;

do. lost, 249;

do. to adjourn, lost, 249;

bill passed, 249;

note, 250.

Secretaries, resolution requiring attendance on the House, 390.

Secretary, of the Senate, elected by ballot, 1st Congress, 10.

Secretary of the Treasury, debate on his duties, 109;

on communicating information to the House, 111;

report of, 176;

manner of making it, 177.

See Treasury.

Secretary of War, letter from, 393.

See St. Clair.

Sedgwick, Theodore, Representative from Massachusetts, 175, 395, 455, 530, 604;

on removal of officers, 103;

on the compensation of the President, 117;

further remarks on pay of Vice President, 120, 122;

motion on the pay of members of Congress, 123;

favors discrimination in the pay of members of the two Houses, 125;

opposes a Home Department, 128;

on amount of pay of members, 130;

farther remarks, 132, 133;

on the manner of giving instructions to Representatives, 143;

on the location of a seat of Government, 150;

further remarks, 154;

on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 183;

opposed to indiscriminate admission of foreigners, 188;

on the importance of prompt action relative to the public debt, 199;

on the immediate second reading of the Quaker Memorial, 203;

on discrimination of public creditors, 211;

on memorial of officers of navy, 241;

on price of public lands, 261;

further remarks, 262;

on vacancy in the Presidency, 267;

on excise bill, 265;

on officers, 271;

speech on the Bank of the United States, 282;

on resignation of William Pinkney, 329;

on the electoral college, 333;

on vacancy in the office of President, 335;

on official conduct of Secretary of Treasury, 426, 429;

on non-intercourse with Great Britain, 493;

on merits of indemnity resolution, and on reference, 504;

on the President's speech, 532, 539;

on indemnification sufferers by Pennsylvania insurgents, 547, 553;

on amending naturalization laws, 556, 557, 565;

on intruders on Indian lands, 585;

on the answer to the President's speech, 607;

on the support of existing establishments, 626;

on a stenographer for the House, 630;

on a salary for members of Congress, 636;

on rights of the House relative to treaties, 656;

on the admission of Tennessee, 755.

Seeny, Joshua, Representative from Maryland, 27, 175, 255, 315;

appointed on committee to draft bill on tonnage duties, 57;

urges decision relative to duty on molasses, 69;

presents the offer of ten miles square by Maryland for a seat of Government of United States, 81;

on the compensation of Vice President, 122;

opposes discrimination in the pay of members of the two Houses, 125;

approves of the Susquehanna region for a seat of Government, 161;

on constitutionality of memorial for the abolition of slavery, 203;

on discrimination among the public creditors, 226;

on memorial of officers of navy, 240;

on a seat of Government, 244;

on answer to President's message, 258;

on the election of Mercer, 328;

further remarks, 329.

Senate, members present at first meeting, 9;

adjournment from day to day for want of a quorum, 9;

session with closed doors until 1794, note, 9;

no publication of debates of, note, 9;

receives the House on the inauguration of Washington, 12;

resolution of respecting titles of President and Vice President, 14;

do. division in three classes, 14;

first executive session, 15;

confirmed the appointment of collectors, naval officers, and surveyors, 16;

mode of communication with the President, 16;

report on, 17;

do. resolution on, 17;

President consults with, note, 17;

wait upon the President and deliver their answer to the inaugural address, 18;

on ratification of treaties with Indian tribes, &c., report of committee on, 20;

conference with the House on the impost bill, 113;

results of, 113;

and House meet together to receive President's message, 168;

address of to the President, 169;

manner of presentation, 170;

when the term of office of members commenced, 171;

answer to the President's address, 253;

notice of letter of French King, 313;

answer to President's message, 313;

resolutions respecting public proceedings, 384;

special session of, 386;

answer to President's address, 383;

answer to the President's message, 444;

answer to President's message, 523;

executive journal of, 524;

answer to President's address to 1st session, 4th Congress, 594.

Sequestration of British debts.-See Great Britain.

Sevier, John, Representative from North Carolina, 260.

Sherburne, John S., Representative from New Hampshire, 455, 527, 604;

on a stenographer to the House, 630.

Sherburne, Upton, Representative from Maryland, 317.

Sherman, Roger, Representative from Connecticut, 21, 175, 255;

views on the proposition to lay duties on Madeira wine, 31;

on oaths of State officers, 53;

on necessity of impost duties, 61, 65;

on committee of conference respecting title of President, 68;

opposed to embracing African slaves in a bill for duties on goods, &c., 73;

further remarks, 74;

on limiting the period of the impost bill, 80;

further remarks, 84;

on naturalization of pauper emigrants, 84;

on admission of Rhode Island, 101;

on the removal of officers by a general law, 108;

on compensation of Vice President, 121;

offers a resolution respecting the form of amendment of the constitution, 133;

remarks, 136, 137;

do. note, 137;

on the amendment to the constitution relative to the freedom of conscience, 137;

on the right of instruction, 139;

on the place for a seat of Government, 159, 166;

on report of Secretary of the Treasury, 183;

on committee on Pennsylvania memorial, 209;

on memorial of officers of the navy, 240;

further remarks, 240;

on a seat of Government, 242;

further remarks, 248;

on answer to President's message, 257;

on vacancy in the Presidency, 267, 269;

on excise bill, 265;

further remarks, 270, 272;

on the commitment of the bill for a Bank of the United States, 273;

Senator from Connecticut, 309, 380.

Short, William, proposed to the Senate as Minister to France, 15;

his fitness considered, 15;

appointment to charge during the absence of the Minister, confirmed, 15.

Sinnickson, Thomas, Representative from New Jersey, 27, 175, 255;

on duty on beer, 34;

opposes a limit to the impost bill, 77;

further remarks, 83;

appointed on a committee to draft a bill relative to the importation of African slaves, 84.

Sitgreaves, Samuel, Representative from Pennsylvania, 604;

on the admission of Tennessee, 758.

Slavery and Slave Trade.-Address of the annual assembly of Friends in Philadelphia, and one of the society of Friends in New York, against the continuance of the slave trade, considered, 201;

motion to refer to a committee, 201;

contrary to usual proceeding to commit to-day, 201;

why is its second reading pressed to-day? 201;

reference urged, 201;

no apprehension from commitment at once-constitution secures the rights, 202;

any measures indicative of an intention to interfere may sink the value of this kind of property, 202;

men have come here to meddle in a business with which they have nothing to do, 202;

the memorialists are influenced by motives of benignity, 202;

if the importation was crushed, the value of the slave would be increased instead of diminished, 202;

if it was abolished through interference of General Government, it would evince a disposition to total emancipation, and the property be in jeopardy, 202;

is the whole morality of the United States confined to Quakers? 203;

the petition desires an unconstitutional act, 203;

no foundation for apprehension, 203;

it is proper to commit the petition, 204;

no importance to the question unless members made it so, 204;

the memorialists should be dismissed, 204;

petition laid over, 205;

memorial of Pennsylvania Society for abolition of slavery, 207;

memorial of Friends in Philadelphia read second time, 208;

petition of Friends contains unconstitutional requests, 208;

any thing unconstitutional denied, 208;

it prayed for an unconstitutional measure, and its commitment would sound alarm, 208;

strictly constitutional, 208;

no difficulty in committing the memorial-committee would understand their business, 209;

language of the constitution on the importation of slaves, 209;

it prays for the abolition of slavery, 209;

the present is not a time to consider the subject, 209;

the present a proper time to determine the constitutional limits, 209;

no power in the House to grant the prayer, and therefore unnecessary to commit, 209;

jealousy of Southern States, 210;

the States would never have entered the confederacy if their property had not been guaranteed to them, 210;

the memorialists do not ask total abolition of the slave trade, but that Congress will consider if they can exercise justice and mercy, 210;

no tendency in the commitment to break in on the constitution-the object is worthy of consideration, 211;

the interference of Congress compatible with the constitution, 211;

nothing in the petition like what was complained of, 211;

the petitioners pray Congress to take measures for abolition of slave trade, 211;

commitment carried, 211;

debate on the report upon the memorial of the people called Quakers, 229;

moved to strike out the first paragraph, 229;

contents of report, 229;

total prohibition not produce difficulties, 229;

particulars which took place in the course of the investigation of the business, 229;

pernicious consequences likely to flow from interference of Congress, 229;

humane treatment of the slaves, 229;

Quakers enemies of freedom, 229;

warm altercation, 229;

injustice of the measure of interference, 230;

powers of Congress respecting slavery and slave trade, 230;

an indecent attack on the character of certain States, 230;

interference contrary to Quaker principles, 230;

where does the power of manumission reside? 230;

plans of the friends of emancipation, 231;

negroes are inferior race, 231;

slavery is no new thing, 231;

does slavery weaken the Southern States? 231;

is public opinion against slavery? 232;

this squeamishness is very extraordinary, 232;

consequences of emancipation, 233;

if importation prohibited, will that species become extinct? 233;

will the abolition strengthen South Carolina? 233;

does toleration of slavery bring reproach on America? 233;

does slavery vitiate and debase the mind of the owner? 234;

was South Carolina wanting in patriotism? 234;

the cruel mode of transportation, 235;

the clause in the constitution was designed to apply expressly to negro slaves, 235;

now is the time to declare the sense of Congress, 236;

irregularities of the course of the debate, 236;

Paley on slavery, 236;

the genius of the government in relation to slavery and slave trade, 237;

characters of the signers of the memorials, 237;

character of Franklin, 238;

moved to take up report of Committee of the Whole, 238;

every principle of policy and concern for the dignity of the House and peace of the country requires it to be dropped, 238;

reasons for taking it up, 238;

ordered that report and memorials be inserted in the journal, 338;

note, 239. See Duties on imports, 73.

Abolition Petitions.-Petition of Warner Mifflin on negro slavery considered, 397;

after what has passed, the subject is started again, 397;

if a stop is not put to such proceedings, the Southern States would be compelled to apply to the General Government for their interference, 397;

moved that the paper be returned to the Clerk, &c., 397;

on the general principle every citizen has a right to petition the Legislature, 397;

the subject is not properly before the House, 397;

every citizen has a right to petition for a redress of grievances, but the present paper is mere rant, and concludes with no specific prayer, 397;

if favorably received, it would occasion alarm in the Southern States, 397;

motion agreed to, 397.

To prohibit carrying on the slave trade, bill considered, 480;

amendments proposed, 480;

ordered to be engrossed, 480.

To require foreigners to renounce their slaves before admission to citizenship-motion, 558;

debate thereon, 558;

motion withdrawn, 560;

do. renewed, 566;

do. vote on, 566.

Slaves, African.-Duty on importation, proposed, 73;

debated, 73;

deported, of the Revolution, 525;

importation of, see Duties on imports.

Smilie, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, 455, 528;

on the pay of soldiers, 459;

on the relief of the French emigrants, 474;

on the preparations for the Algerine War, 478;

against increase of the army, 515;

on reference of letter of Secretary of War, 568.

Smith, Isaac, Representative from New Jersey, 604;

on the rights of the House relative to treaties, 675.

Smith, Israel, Representative from Vermont, 317, 388, 455, 527, 604.

Smith, Jeremiah, Representative from New Hampshire, 315, 388, 455, 527, 604;

on election of President, 334.

Smith, Nathaniel, Representative from Connecticut, 609.

Smith, Samuel, Representative from Maryland, 455, 555, 605;

on the reception of the French emigrants from St. Domingo, 462;

do. on the relief of do., 474;

on the commerce of the United States, 473;

on the Algerine War, 476;

on the sequestration of British debts, 483;

on the renunciation of nobility for citizenship, 562;

on establishing Indian trading houses, 639;

on the execution of the British treaty, 732;

on the army establishment, 760.

Smith, William, Representative from Maryland, 21, 175, 255;

opposes high duties, 33;

appointed on Committee of Supplies, 46;

opposes law of tonnage duties, 54;

on the site for the seat of Government, 166.

Smith, William, Representative from South Carolina, 27, 175, 255, 315, 388, 455, 527, 604;

his eligibility, 33;

opposes duty on salt, as it will lead to dissatisfaction, 39;

opposes present consideration of duty on African slaves, 73;

favors limiting the period of impost bill, 79;

on power of President to remove Secretary of State, 86;

remarks on diseligibility, 94;

on the President's power of removal, 102;

on the compensation of Vice President, 122;

on the mode of amending the constitution, 134;

further remarks, 136;

on the obligation of instructions, 139;

on the constitutional requirement for a seat of Government, 159;

reports an answer to the President's speech, 178;

on the propriety of restraints to naturalization, 186;

further remarks, 188;

offers resolutions on public credit, 190;

benefits of a funded debt, 191;

fund or pay, 200;

opposes reception of the Quaker memorial, 203;

unnecessary to commit Pennsylvania memorial, 209;

further remarks, 211, 230;

discrimination of public creditors, 214;

on answer to President's message, 257;

further remarks, 257, 258;

on a seat of Government, 248;

offers resolution relative to eulogium of Dr. Franklin, 259;

on vacancy in the Presidency, 267, 269;

on the commitment of the bill for a Bank of the United States, 272;

speech on the bank, 291;

further, 296;

is a resignation a constitutional vacancy? 329;

on emblems on American coins, 371;

on discharging the committee on defeat of St. Clair, 393;

on reduction of the army, 400;

reports a bill to regulate the claims of invalid pensions, 406;

reports mode of examining votes for President, &c., 417;

on reference to Committee of the Whole the resolutions relative to the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, 418;

on official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, 422;

on the result of the votes on, 439;

on the commerce of the United States, 464;

on the propriety of sequestering the British debts, 485;

in favor of continuing the embargo, 499, 502;

urges duties on manufactured tobacco and refined sugar, 507, 509;

on the delegate south of the Ohio, 529;

on the President's speech, 534;

on thanks to General Wayne, 542, 543;

on damages by Pennsylvania insurgents, 547;

on the renunciation of titles for citizenship, 563, 565;

on reference of the letter of the Secretary of War, 567;

on the reduction of salaries, 573;

on the right to Indian lands within a State, 577;

on the attempt at bribery by Robert Randall, 609;

on the Randall bribery case, 614;

on the resolution relative to bribery, 621;

on the support of existing establishments, 625;

on call for papers relative to British treaty, 640;

on the rights of the House relative to treaties, 651;

on the admission of Tennessee, 756;

on the military and naval appropriation, 764, 765, 766.

Snuff, duty fixed, 41.

Spirits, all other, duty on, 113.

Sprigg, Thomas, Representative from Maryland, 458, 566.

South Carolina, vote for President, 10, 385.

Stanton, Joseph, Jr., Senator from Rhode Island, 254, 309, 383.

State Department, bill to establish, considered, 15;

Secretary of, called before the Senate to give explanations, 16;

practice now superseded, note, 16. See Executive Department.

State, Secretary of, mode of appointment, 86;

how removed, debate on, 86.

St. Clair, General, defeat of, considered, 390;

resolution requiring the attendance of the Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of War in the House, to furnish information needed for an investigation of the causes of St. Clair's defeat, 390;

moved to strike out so much as requires the attendance of the Secretaries, 390;

resolution improper-the Secretaries are not impeached, 391;

importance of the information they can give, 391;

the information had better be in writing, 391;

the measure would introduce a bad precedent, 391;

a thorough investigation, highly important, 391;

this mode the best possible, 391;

not necessary in the present state of the business, 391;

the information must be had, 391;

no advantage to arise from adopting the resolution, 391;

now is not the proper time to call for information, 392;

remarks on the report, 392;

importance of the investigation, a million dollars involved, 392;

peculiar position of the Secretaries, 392;

both implicated in the failure of the expedition, 392;

resolution lost, 393;

motion to discharge the Committee of the Whole, 393;

the only proper course is to consider the report, 393;

report perfectly satisfactory, 393;

what is the situation of those implicated in the failure? 394;

no disposition to smother inquiry, 394;

the House can get through the subject in a shorter time than a committee, 394;

shall the House or a select committee establish the facts, 394;

effects of finding some of the officers culpable by either, 394;

uniform practice of the House to recommit, 394;

Secretaries attended only once on the committee, and were anxious to leave, 395;

in the case of the contested election the House reserved the right of establishing the facts, 395;

other points considered, 395;

recommitment agreed to, 395.

Steel, Unwrought, duty on, proposed, 35;

adopted, 36.

Steele, John, Representative from North Carolina, 315, 388;

on ratio of Representation, 322;

on discharging committee in case of St. Clair, 395;

on petition of Warner Mifflin on negro slavery, 397;

on the reduction of the army, 398;

further remarks, 403, 407, 411.

Sterrett, Samuel, Representative from Maryland, 315, 410.

Stenographer to the House, debate on, 629;

object to find a person who would satisfy the House and the public, 630;

other considerations urged, 631, 632.

Stone, Michael Jenifer, Representative from Maryland, 102, 175;

on the compensation of the President, 117;

further remarks on amount, 119;

do. Vice President, 122;

opposes discrimination in the pay of members of the two Houses, 126;

on the mode of amending the constitution, 135;

further remarks, 135;

opposes the amendment of constitution relative to the right of instruction, 141;

on the location of a seat of Government, 152;

do. on Harrisburg as a seat, 153;

further remarks, 166;

on the powers of Congress and rights of the States respecting naturalized citizens, 188;

thinks interference with the importation of African slaves will tend to depreciate their value, 202;

on discrimination among the public creditors, 221;

on memorial of officers of navy, 240;

on a seat of Government, 243;

on price of public lands, 261;

further remarks, 262;

on excise bill, 263;

further remarks, 267, 271;

speech on the Bank of the United States, 292.

St. Paul's Chapel, service at, upon the inauguration of Washington, 12.

Strong, Caleb, Senator from Massachusetts, 9, 168, 309, 380, 445, 523, 591;

on committee on rules of first Congress, 10;

on manner of electing chaplains, 10;

on rules of business, 10;

appointed on Judiciary Committee, first Congress, 19;

on committee to wait on Vice President, 11;

on the resolution relative to the presentation of the French flag, 598.

Sturges, Jonathan, Representative from Connecticut, 21, 175,

255, 315, 388.

Sugars, duty on, 33.

Sumter, Thomas, Representative from North Carolina, 175, 320, 388;

on the location of a seat of Government, 151;

opposition to bill organizing State Department, 108;

on the petition of Catharine Greene, 338, 341.

Swanwick, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, 604;

on establishing Indian trading houses, 625, 634;

on a stenographer for the House, 629, 631;

on rights of the House relative to treaties, 642;

on the execution of the British treaty, 707;

on the sense of the House relative to the British treaty, 751.

Swift, Zephaniah, Representative from Connecticut, 457, 527, 604;

on conducting the Algerine war, 478;

on the legality of sequestering the British debts, 491;

on the constitutionality of admitting a territorial delegate, 528, 530;

on indemnification to sufferers by Pennsylvania insurgents, 547, 548, 552;

on establishing Indian trading houses, 624;

on the pay of the Speaker, 638, 639;

on the resolutions relative to the refusal of the President to furnish papers on the British treaty, 701.

Sylvester, Peter, Representative from New York, 43, 175, 255, 315, 389;

on oaths of State officers, 52;

favors limitation of impost bill, 83;

on the impeachment clause of the constitution, 88;

on Pennsylvania memorial, 209.

T

Talbot, Silas, Representative from New York, 455.

Tanners of Newark, N. J., petition of, 360;

referred to committee, 364;

do. of New York, 370.

Tatom, Absalom, Representative from North Carolina, 604.

Taylor, John, Senator from Virginia, 445;

do. resigned, 524.

Tazewell, Henry, Senator from Virginia, 524, 594;

on answer to President's speech, 596;

on resolutions relative to presentation of French flag, 600.

Teas, duty on, considered, 32;

proposed duty on, 41;

debated, 41;

duty fixed, 42.

Telfair, Edward, votes for, as Vice President, in 1789, 10.

Tennessee, bill for laying out, before the Senate, 601.

Tennessee, Admission of, report relative to territory south of the Ohio River considered, 754;

the people inhabiting any territory of the United States, cannot of their mere will and pleasure, and without the consent of Congress, erect themselves into a separate and independent State, 754;

a law might be passed now to provide for it, 754;

no reason for objecting to receive those people as a State, 755;

the State Government is already organized and in operation, 755;

statement of proceeding in Tennessee, 755;

under the ordinance they had a clear right to be admitted, for they had the population required, 755;

one State preferable to two, 755;

the Government is Republican, and the population adequate to admit the State at once, 756;

course of proceeding which should have been taken, 756;

terms of the compact considered, 757;

constructions of the compact, 758;

right claimed for the people, 759;

resolution reported by committee adopted, 759;

moved that some law should be passed by Congress recognizing the territory as a State before they were admitted into the Union-negatived, 759.

Territories.-See Delegate from Territories.

Thatcher, George, Representative from Massachusetts, 21, 175, 255, 315, 388, 455, 527, 604;

on duty on molasses, 29;

do. on salt beef, 34;

on the flag of the Union, 461;

on the Randall bribery case, 615.

Thomas, Richard, Representative from Pennsylvania, 604.

Thompson, Charles, appointed by the Senate to notify Washington of his election, 10;

writes to the Senate respecting his notification of Washington, 11.

Thompson, Mark, Representative from New Jersey, 604.

Title of President and Vice President, 11;

House committee thereon, 12;

report of same made, 12;

message from the House thereon, 13;

committee of conference appointed by Senate, 13;

consideration of original report postponed, 14;

disagreement of committee of conference, 14;

resolution of the Senate respecting the same, 14;

report of House committee thereon, 47;

message from Senate on, 58;

message from Senate-debate thereon, 65;

debate on resolution against a committee of conference with the Senate on titles of President and Vice President, 65;

constitution prescribes the power of the House respecting titles, 66;

a committee of conference should not be appointed because it is a subject which the House has no right to consider, 66;

the House agreed no title should be conferred, and a joint committee so reported, but the Senate resolved upon a title, and ask our concurrence, 66;

excite alarm among those who fear that the constitution is hostile to popular liberty, 66;

to countenance such a measure would be an indignity to the House, 66;

conference unnecessary, 67;

a respect due to the Senate, 67;

titles harmless, 67;

add no power, 67;

they diminish the true dignity and importance of a Republic, 67;

a committee of conference very proper, 67;

a committee unnecessary, 67;

umbrage should not be given to the Senate, 67;

no purpose secured by a committee, 67;

subject better be dropped, 68;

the proposition of a title is trifling with the dignity of the Government, 68;

a committee of conference could be appointed without seeming to countenance the measure, 68;

after having adopted the report of the committee it would derogate from their dignity to rescind a unanimous resolution, 68;

committee appointed, 69.

Tobacco, manufactured, duty fixed, 41.

Tonnage Duties, proposed, 23;

debate thereon, 48, 53;

fixed, 57;

method of discussing the subject, note, 57. See Duties on Tonnage.

Tracy, Uriah, Representative from Connecticut, 455, 527, 604;

on duties on tobacco and sugar, 510;

on the President's speech, 533;

on exclusion of titled foreigners from citizenship, 558, 564;

on reference of letter of Secretary of War, 569;

on the rights of the House relative to treaties, 672.

Treasury Department.-See Executive Departments.

Treasury, Report of Secretary of.-Motion that the Secretary of the Treasury's report be in writing, 177;

if he reports in person he can answer inquiries, 177;

propriety doubted, 177;

if the report is written it will be better understood, 177;

the importance and extent of the subject is such it should be in writing, 177;

motion carried, 177;

report under consideration, 182;

postponement moved, 182;

it embraces two important objects: first, that all idea of discrimination

among the public creditors as original holders and transferees, ought to be

done away; second, the assumption of the State debts by the General Government, 182;

the States should be consulted, 182;

a considerable postponement required, 182;

speculation is rife-if postponed too long fluctuations will be still greater, 182;

postponed until North Carolina enters the Union, 183;

Congress possess all the information necessary to act on the measure, 183;

speculation has existed since the securities were first issued, 183;

the subject of the State debts should not be decided until the sense of the Legislatures is known, 183;

the postponement should be long enough to enable members to enter on the task with understanding, and the spirit of speculation should be counteracted at the earliest practicable period, 183;

impossible to suppress speculation, 183;

the policy of speculation, 184;

the speculation arisen since the report was denounced, 184;

objects of the report submitted in the form of independent resolutions, 190;

assumption of State debts considered, 191;

doubtful if a permanent funded debt is beneficial or not, 191;

history of funded debts, 191;

a precedent that will bring ruin, 191;

debts of the States unknown, 192;

the funding will occasion enormous taxes for interest, 192;

all that can be done is to provide funds for the gradual extinction, 192;

funding a small debt is beneficial, 192;

we have a debt already and some funds must be appropriated for payment of interest, 192;

the foreign and domestic debt carry very material distinctions, 193;

the domestic securities should be considered in a depreciated state, 193;

an equivalent was not received for them in hard cash like the foreign debt, 193;

domestic debt should be liquidated at its real value, 193;

terms proposed by the Secretary, 193;

the Government is in a very different situation with respect to foreign and domestic creditors, 194;

we are not judges of the claims of our creditors, but parties to the contract, 194;

if we are parties, what would be the decision before a court of justice, 194;

the French loans, 195;

no distinction between foreign and domestic creditors, 195;

the face of the paper is our guide, the demand is not to be lessened, 195;

if it is intended to reduce either, the principles on which such a measure is founded should be considered, 195;

nature of the public contract, 196;

the same argument might be applied to paying the Continental debts at their nominal value, 196;

the present Government should pay the debts of the United States, but as the domestic part has been contracted in depreciated notes, less than six per cent. interest should be paid on it, 196;

if the Government is one party and the individual the other, who is the judge? 197;

can two parties exist in a well organized government to dispute about property and have no judge? 197;

is not the want of consideration a good plea? 197;

we stand in the same condition as the late Congress, who are admitted to be parties, 197;

the Government should be at liberty to ascertain the amount of the debts assumed as the motion contemplates, 197;

discrimination and liquidation the two great points involved, 198;

manner in which the debt was contracted, 198;

if the certificates, at the time they were issued, were taken for only a small part of their face, they should not now be raised to the full amount, 198;

debts of the United States of four kinds, 199;

their character, 199;

the subject should be decided at this time, 199;

a discrimination of some kind necessary, 200;

three classes of creditors, 200;

the obligations of each considered, 200.

To discriminate between original creditors and present holders, &c., moved, 205;

extent and form in which the debt exists, 205;

the United States owes the value they have received, and which they acknowledge, 205;

to whom is payment really due? 205;

four classes of creditors, 205;

the principles that govern the decision of their respective pretensions considered, 205, 206;

motion to amend original proposition, 207;

the debt is still due, and if the owner has transferred it shall we disown his act? 207;

the nature of contracts, 211;

their transferability, 212;

the property of the certificates is now vested in the transferees, 212;

if they are now divested by Government, it is an ex post facto law, 212;

the proposed discrimination, 212;

effects of, 213;

this doctrine repugnant to the interests and prosperity of the Union, 213;

the States are restrained from passing laws violating contracts, 213;

public justice requires a performance of contracts, 213;

the new paper given might be subject to another liquidation on the same principle, 214;

the proposition is unjust, impolitic, and impracticable, 214;

strict justice the plain line of conduct, 215;

other objections, 215;

the debt is the price of our liberties, and cannot be diminished a farthing, but the measure proposed does diminish it, 215;

the obligation of the debt is not denied, the difficulty is how it shall be discharged, 216;

the justice of discrimination, 216;

the army repudiate discrimination, 217;

no Legislature should interfere with a contract-but it does not appear that the transaction between the original holders and the purchasers of certificates was a fair one, 217;

other points in favor of the measure, 218;

justice or legality of the measure-its practicability or policy and consequences, 219;

the claim of the soldier just, 219;

state of public opinion, 220;

seven-eighths of the debt has not been disposed of from necessity, 220;

inequitability of the measure not shown, 221;

how far will this measure operate as a precedent? 221;

a review of the grounds upon which the proposition has been combated, 223;

the United States cannot pay in full original creditors or assignees, what course is just and expedient? 226;

all parties understood there would be no discrimination in certificates transferable, 227;

other objections examined, 227;

the ability of the Government and the claims of assignees, 228;

motion lost, 228;

note, 228, 250.

Official Conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, considered, 418;

moved that nine resolutions on the subject be referred to the Committee of the Whole, 418;

discussion of them unnecessary and unwarranted, 418;

much time be wasted on them, 419;

objections to the first resolution, 419;

do. second do., 419;

do. third do. 419;

the last one objectionable, for the preceding ones determine the guilt and the last directs the President to remove the Secretary, 419;

too short time remaining to consider the resolutions, 420;

the abstract propositions should be decided first, the others are unwarranted by facts, 420;

most unheard of course against a party accused, 420;

no opportunity offered for defence, 420;

the first resolution of great importance, 420;

the Secretary differs from others in his opinion respecting his powers and the constitutional obligation respecting the acts of appropriation, 420;

shall the Secretary be bound by our acts of appropriation or not? 421;

the first resolution is no part of the others, but should be determined, 421;

all referred excepting the first, second, and ninth resolutions, 421;

the third resolution, charging that the Secretary had violated the law by applying a certain portion of the principal borrowed to the payment of interest falling due on the principal, which was not authorized, and by drawing part of the same moneys into the United States without the instructions of the President, considered, 421;

what regards the right of drawing money into the country, 421;

the case examined 422;

the charges of mismanagement so long before the public have now assumed shape, 422;

change in the tone of the charges since the session commenced, 422;

no self-interested pecuniary considerations imputed to the Secretary, 423;

the charge consists of two items, 423;

each examined in detail, 423.

No greatness of character known in the Executive Departments, 424;

was the money appropriated to special and distinct purposes, and did the Secretary apply the money to other uses than the law directed? 424;

both points considered, 424;

if a responsible officer has violated the laws he should be called to account, 425;

the testimony compared with the facts, 425; can any necessity be shown for deviations from positive law? 426;

attempt to show that the Legislature were not ignorant of the drafts of the Secretary, 426;

money borrowed in Europe was economically applied to paying interest there, 426;

the inquiry is, whether a debt was paid out of this or that fund, 426;

the whole business reviewed, 426;

even if the Secretary made the drafts without the instructions of the President, it is not probably reprehensible, 426;

the act was not a financial operation to avoid the necessity of drawing and remitting, 427;

the interest was not paid out of the principal of the loan, 427;

the President is the principal and the Secretary the agent, 427;

impossible to account for the conduct of the Secretary, 427;

to judge of his conduct we must consider his duties, and whether a necessity existed to justify his drawing, 427;

if the Secretary has paid what was due, what, then, is the complaint, 428;

no law has been violated, nor any rule of propriety departed from, 428;

the drafts were made agreeably to the instructions of the President, 429;

did the authority from the President and his subsequent instructions authorize the Secretary to consolidate the loans? if so, he acted legally, 429;

both charges examined, 430;

the reports of the committee, 481;

the questions now are questions of fact, 431;

these facts are too clearly supported by the reports of the Secretary and accompanying documents to be denied or controverted, 431;

this position investigated, 431;

can the Executive, without special permission, apply the excess of one fund to the deficiency of another? 433;

the drawing money without the instructions of the President established by the documents, 433;

both points rest on the most solid proofs, 434;

on the necessity of sometimes departing from the strictness of legal appropriations, 434;

the authority of the Secretary in the special case of loans must be derived from the President, 435;

the recent drafts, 435.

No proof to support the charges, 436;

if there had been, there is nothing criminal in them, 436;

insufficient reports of the Secretary, 437;

third resolution disagreed to, 438;

fourth resolution disagreed to, 438;

fifth resolution disagreed to, 438;

sixth resolution disagreed to, 438;

seventh resolution disagreed to, 439;

eighth resolution disagreed to, 439;

after such a large vote the Secretary cannot be criminated, 439;

review of the arguments against the Secretary, 439.

Treaty with Great Britain.-Ratification of, 525;

note, 525, 639;

resolution calling for papers relative to the treaty with Great Britain, 640;

reasons for calling for the papers, 640;

opposed for want of a declared object within cognizance of the House, and because it was the groundwork of the dangerous doctrine that the House had a right to adjudge, adopt, or to reject treaties generally, 640;

no other source of information, 640;

constitutional questions likely to arise in course of debate, 640;

does the general power of making treaties supersede the powers of the House and leave it only an executive and ministerial instrumental agency? 641;

no propriety in the resolution, and no question of the constitutionality of the treaty, 641;

House has a right to inquire into the conduct of the officers concerned, 641;

preceding arguments reviewed, 641;

is the power of the President and Senate as to treaties complete? 641;

power of control of English House of Commons, 642;

true meaning of the power of appropriation in the constitution, 642;

a discretion exists in the House, 642;

legislative power completely vested in Congress-to pass laws discretion is implied-the House must judge when it is required to act, 642;

words of the constitution respecting treaties, 643;

papers unnecessary, and to call for them is an unconstitutional and improper interference with the Executive Department, 643;

the House has a right to ask for the papers, because their co-operation and sanction was necessary to carry the treaty into effect-because

they had full discretion to give or refuse that co-operation, and must be guided in the exercise of that discretion by the merits and expediency of the treaty, 644;

what treaties unconstitutional, 644;

consequences of the treaty power being unlimited and undefined, 645;

House has a check on treaty-making power, 645;

authorities referred to, 645;

propriety of the resolution, 647;

what powers has the constitution given, and to what departments have they been distributed? 647;

view of legislative and treaty-making powers, 648;

how is the will of the people expressed in the constitution to be understood? 648;

different constructions of the constitution, 649;

extent of the treaty-making power in relation to the objects specially and expressly submitted to the legislative power of Congress, 650;

treaty power solely delegated to the President and Senate, 651;

practice of Congress, 652;

there are cases in which the House has not the right of withholding appropriations, 652;

is there any provision in the constitution by which the House can check the treaty-making power, or question the merits of treaties under any circumstances? 653;

review of arguments, 654;

must resort to the constitution to know the extent and limits of our power, 657;

arguments against the exclusive treaty-making power considered, 658;

this doctrine is inconsistent with the constitution and the law of nations, 659;

the state of the question, 660;

words of the constitution, 660;

have we a right to exercise our judgment on the treaty? is the question, 661;

depends on a rational construction of the fundamental principles of government, as drawn from the histories of nations, 661;

construction of the constitution, 662;

the treaty is now the law of the land, and no act of Congress is or can be necessary to make it so, 662;

no right to require papers where there is no obligation to obey, 664;

different kinds of treaties, 664;

power given to Congress to regulate commerce considered, 665;

if these sentiments prevail, the small States would be deprived of one of their most essential rights, 666;

when treaties contain stipulations bearing a relation to the specific power vested in the Legislature, the House has a right to take cognizance of it, as it is proved by three considerations, 666;

these examined, 667;

the express words of the constitution will not support either position without a liberty of construction-what construction is most agreeable to the general principles of the constitution? 668;

exposition of the constitution and the position of the opposition, 660;

the right to call for papers sanctioned by the uniform practice of the House, 670;

practice in cases of former treaties, 671;

note, 671;

view of the constitutional rights of the House, 671;

these rights considered in two points of view, 672;

case of the proclamation of neutrality, 674;

the construction of the constitution advanced, 674;

explanation of the original resolution, 675;

does the treaty operate by way of obligation? 676;

is it paramount to a law, and can it repeal law, although itself cannot be acted upon by the legislative power? 677;

this question considered, 677;

objections to the power of the House considered, 678;

precedents examined relative to a call for papers, 681;

objections urged by the advocates of the power of the House considered, 682, 683;

authority of the United States examined, 685;

the House cannot legislate without information, 686;

what does the constitution say? 686;

if the doctrines now urged prevail, they will make inroads on the constitution, 687;

the propriety of calling for papers if the Legislature have no part in making treaties, 687;

points of the subjects reviewed, 688;

duty to look into every treaty, 690;

what was the constitution of the United States? 690;

resolution as offered, 692;

passed, 692; note, 692.

Message of the President declining to send papers, 693;

note, 693;

debate on reference of the answer, 694, 695;

answer referred to Committee of the Whole, 696;

resolutions introduced relative to the class of treaties over which the House claims a right of judgment, and limits it to those which involve a matter which has been specially granted to Congress, 696;

important occasion when two of the constituted authorities of the Government interpret differently the extent of their respective powers? 696;

message considered, 697;

it related to two points, the application for the papers and the constitutional rights of Congress and of the House of Representatives on the subject of treaties, 697;

these points examined, 698, 699, 700, 701;

resolutions adopted, 702;

note, 702.

Execution of the Treaty, considered, 702;

resolution to carry it into effect, 702;

the proposition must be determined by the fact of whether the treaty was a good one, or whether there were extraneous reasons for putting it in force, 703;

the merits of the treaty considered as it relates to the execution of the treaty of 1783, as it determines the several points in the law of nations, and as it respects the commerce between the two nations, 703, 704, 705;

extraneous circumstances-the treaty continues two years-consequences of not carrying it into effect, 706;

principles of the treaty considered, 707;

merits of the treaty, 707;

admission to British ports, 707;

article respecting British debts, 707;

sequestration of debts, 707;

articles of a temporary nature considered, 709;

Burke on the commerce of the American colonies, 710;

points which pressed themselves on the negotiation and demanded provision, 711, 712;

the contents of the treaty examined, 714, 715, 716, 717;

the commercial part of the treaty examined, 718;

want of reciprocity in the instrument, 720;

view of the origin of the treaty-party dissensions which then prevailed, 720;

critical posture of our affairs, &c., considered, 720, 721;

objected against the treaty that a claim for negroes and other property taken at New York had been overlooked, 722;

has not the ownership of the property changed under the law of nations? 722;

correspondence of the commissioners, 723, 724;

consequences if the treaty is rejected, 725;

treaty is unconstitutional and pernicious, 726;

if the treaty is executed we admit the ground taken by the Executive, 728;

merits of the treaty, 729;

prejudice against the treaty in the public mind, 729;

the permanent and the temporary part of the treaty considered, 730;

the only question is, whether they would or would not appropriate money to carry the treaty into effect, 730;

objections to the treaty considered, 731;

the negotiation was advisable, and the only means of avoiding war, 734;

consequences of rejecting the treaty, 734;

three objects embraced in the treaty, 735;

on the expediency of carrying the treaty into effect, 736, 737;

free bottoms make free goods, 737;

effects of rejecting the treaty, 738, 739;

treaty of 1783, 741;

threats of war if treaty rejected, 742;

constitutional rights of the House to be looked at with candor, 744;

will we observe the treaty or break it? is the only question, 745;

consequences of its rejection, 746, 747;

the good and prosperity of the people should be the primary object, 748;

notwithstanding the objections to the treaty the appropriations ought to be granted, 749;

resolution carried in committee by vote of the Chairman, 750.

Resolution offered in the House expressive of its opinion of the treaty, 751;

debate on its propriety, 751;

amendment lost-resolutions for executing the treaty passed, 753;

note, 754.

Tredwell, Thomas, Representative from New York, 315, 388, 457, 528.

Trumbull, Jonathan, Representative from Connecticut, 21, 175, 255, 315, 388, 455, 527;

on a committee to report a bill regulating oaths, 22;

elected Speaker, 315;

speech on taking the chair, 315;

moves an amendment to the bill on the slave trade, 480;

Senator from Connecticut, 591.

Tucker, Thomas Tudor, Representative from South Carolina, 21, 175, 255, 315, 388;

takes part in the debates on laying duties on imports, 25;

opposes duty on salt beef, 34;

do. on candles, 34;

on duty on unwrought steel, 35;

opposes duty on nails, 38;

opposes duty on salt as unequal, 39;

on high duties, 44;

favors low tonnage duties, 56;

advocates moderate duties on imports, 57, 58;

opposes the appointment of committee of conference in reference to title of President, 66;

favors reduction of duty on molasses, if those on other articles are reduced, 69;

repels insinuation of a bargain, 69;

opposes the motion to lay a duty on African slaves, 74;

gives reason for his vote on limitation of the impost bill, 83;

on the Treasury Department, 109;

on compensation of President, 117;

further remarks on same, 119;

on the difficulty of amending the constitution, 144;

on the principles which should control the selection of a seat of Government, 147;

further remarks, 152;

on a short period of residence for naturalization, 185;

further remarks, 187, 190;

favors discrimination among the public creditors, 200;

urges the dismission of the Quaker memorial, 205;

on the commitment of the bill for a Bank of the United States, 273.

Turner, George, memorial of, 335.

Van Allen, John E., Representative from New York, 455, 527, 604.

Van Cortlandt, Philip, Representative from New York, 455, 527, 604.

Van Gaasbeck, Peter, Representative from New York, 458, 528.

Van Rensselaer, Jeremiah, Representative from New York, 58.

Van Rensselaer, Stephen, Representative from New York, 175, 260.

Varnum, Joseph B., Representative from Massachusetts, 204;

on the pay of the Speaker, 639.

Venable, Abraham, Representative from Virginia, 388, 455, 528, 604;

on the attendance of the Secretary of War, 390, on the President's speech, 538;

on the Pennsylvania insurgents, 552;

on amending naturalization laws, 556;

on the resolutions relative to intruders on Indian lands, 584, 586;

on the military and naval appropriation, 764;

on the sense of the House relative to the British treaty, 752.

Vermont-Vote for President in 1793, 385.

Vessels.-Registering and clearing bills, on, 129.

Vice President, ordered to sign the answer to Washington's inaugural, in behalf of the Senate, 13;

takes the oath, 15;

compensation of, 17, 120;

fixed, 123;

his term of office, when commenced, 171;

letter to the Mayor of New York, 174;

vote for in 1789, 10;

do. in 1793, 385.

Vining, John, Representative from Delaware, 51, 175, 259, 315, 442, 520, 591;

proposes the organization of a Home Department, 85;

further remarks, 86;

on the President's power to remove officers, 87;

moves the organization of a Domestic Department, 94;

on the President's power of removal, 104;

on the compensation of members of Congress, &c., 116;

further remarks, 119, 132;

introduces a resolution for a Home Department, 127;

remarks on, 127;

further remarks, 128;

on the form of amending the constitution, 134;

on the location of a seat of Government, 150;

on the banks of the Delaware for do., 161;

on a seat of Government, 245;

further remarks, 248;

on interference of excise officers in elections, 271;

on the commitment of a bill for a Bank of the United States, 274;

speech on the bank, 305;

on the ratio of representation, 326.

Virginia.-Vote for President in 1789, 10, 385;

county lands, report on, 129.

Virginia Legislature.-Offers ten miles square to United

States for a seat of Government, 76.

Vote, on limiting the time for the operation of the impost bill, 84;

on the President's power of removal, 90;

on striking out Susquehanna and inserting Potomac for the seat of Government, 159;

on motion for discrimination among public creditors, 228;

note, on do. 288;

on Quaker memorial, 238.

Votes, Electoral.-Counted in the presence of Senate and House in 1789, 10;

do. 385.

W

Wadsworth, Jeremiah, Representative from Connecticut, 21, 175, 255, 315, 455, 555;

appointed on committee to draft bill on tonnage duties, 57;

urges reduction of duty on molasses, 70;

on a Board of Treasury or Superintendent of Finance, 92;

on the right of instructions, 144;

on deliberation in fixing the seat of Government, 155;

further remarks, 160;

on discrimination among the public creditors, 220;

on the post office bill, 332;

on the petition of Catharine Greene, 339;

on the reduction of the army, 401;

further remarks, 407, 414;

on the pay of soldiers, 460, 466;

against the embargo laws, 499;

urges increased duty on coal in foreign vessels, 506;

on duties on manufactured tobacco and refined sugar, 509;

on the advance of money to France, 514;

on the rage against nobility, 561;

on defence of the frontiers, 570;

on the trial of intruders upon the Indians, 584;

on the protection of settlers, 587.

Wadsworth, Peleg, Representative from Massachusetts, 456, 527, 609.

Walker, Francis, Representative from Virginia, 455, 527.

Walker, John, appointed Senator by Governor of Virginia, 251.

Walton, George, Senator from Georgia, 591.

Ward, Artemas, Representative from Massachusetts, 315, 388, 455, 527.

War Department.-See Executive Departments.

Washington, George, elected President in 1789, 10;

votes for as President in 1789, 10;

do. 1793, 385;

proceedings at his inauguration, 12;

do. inaugural address, 12;

reply to the answer of the Senate to the inaugural address, 15;

day of his inauguration, Note, 46;

resolution for an equestrian statue, 330;

birthday-motion to adjourn, 638;

considered, 638;

motion lost, 638.

Watts, John, Representative from New York, 455, 527.

Wayne, Anthony, Representative from Georgia, 317;

on the petition of Catharine Greene, 335;

further remarks, 337.

Ways and Means, proposition to appoint a committee, 128.

Western Lands.-See Public Lands.

Wheaton, Joseph, appointed sergeant-at-arms, 315.

White, Alexander, Representative from Virginia, 21, 175, 255, 315, 388;

on committee to report a bill regulating oaths, 22;

advocates delay in fixing scale of duties on imports, 23;

further remarks, 25;

on duty on hemp, 37;

opposes duty on salt, 41;

report from Committee of Elections, 41;

presents resolution of Virginia Legislature, offering ten miles square to United States for seat of Government, 76;

thinks appropriation bills are limited by the constitution, 77;

further remarks, 81;

sustains the power of the President to remove certain officers, 88;

on the power of the President to remove Secretary of State, 102;

further remarks, 105;

opposes discrimination in the pay of members of the two Houses, 124;

on compensation of President, 119;

further remarks, 120;

on compensation of Vice President, 121;

on a Home Department, 127;

on amendments of the Senate to House bill on seat of Government, 165;

on admission of reporters of the press, 180;

on the constitutional power of Congress respecting naturalization, 186;

on discrimination among the public creditors, 217;

on report of committee on Quaker memorial, 229;

on a seat of Government, 242;

further remarks, 248;

on vacancy in the Presidency, 267;

on the meeting of the Electoral College, 333;

moves to strike out of bill all relative to vacancy of President, 334;

on the bill for the encouragement of the cod fisheries, 351.

White, Rev. Bishop, elected chaplain of the Senate, 380.

White, James, delegate from territory south of Ohio River, 528.

Whitney, Charles, arrested with Robert Randall, 611;

examination of, 613.

Widows and Orphans, a bill making compensation to certain, considered, 410.

Williams, Benjamin, Representative from North Carolina, 455, 546;

on a salary for members of Congress, 636;

on post-roads, 637;

on the rights of the House relative to treaties, 680;

on the execution of the British treaty, 720;

on the army establishment, 759.

Williams, John, Representative from New York, 604.

Williamson, Hugh, Representative from North Carolina, 255, 315, 388;

on answer to President's message, 257;

further remarks, 257;

on selection of land by settlers, 260;

on vacancy in the Presidency, 267;

on the commitment of the bill for a Bank of the United States, 273;

on resignation of William Pinkney, 329;

on the bill for the encouragement of the cod fisheries, 357;

on the emblems on American coins, 371;

on the resolution that the Secretary of the Treasury and at War attend the House, and report relative to defeat of St. Clair, 390;

against attendance of Secretary of War, 392;

on discharging committee on defeat of St. Clair, 394;

on protection of American commerce, 395;

on reduction of the army, 400;

further remarks, 414.

Willis, Francis, Representative from Georgia, 315, 388.

Wines, all other, discrimination opposed, 32; duty on, 32.

Wingate, Paine, Senator from New Hampshire, 9, 168, 251, 309, 380.

Winn, Richard, Representative from South Carolina, 457, 528, 614.

Winston, Joseph, Representative from North Carolina, 457, 528.

Wool Cards, duty on, 41;

state of manufacture, 41.

Wynkoop, Henry, Representative from Pennsylvania, 21, 175, 255.

Y

Yeas and Nays on contested election of Wm. Smith, 99;

on the bill organizing the State Department, 108;

on embracing all the proposed amendments of the constitution in one report, 145;

on fixing the seat of Government on the Potomac, 161; on Wilmington for the seat of Government, 161;

on Potomac, Susquehanna, or Delaware, instead of east bank of Susquehanna, 162;

Delaware instead of do., 162;

banks instead of east bank, 162;

on inserting, or Maryland, after "Pennsylvania," 162;

on Wilmington, instead of "city of New York," 163;

on "Philadelphia," instead of "New York," 163;

on proviso of Mr. Gale, 163;

on resolution for the appointment of Commissioners to fix the site for a seat of Government, 163;

on the bill to establish a seat of Government, 164;

on postponing consideration of amended bill relative to seat of Government, 166;

on the proviso of Mr. Madison relative to a seat of Government, 167;

in Senate on resolution relative to unfinished business, 171;

in Senate, on bill for non-intercourse with Rhode Island, 172;

on commitment of Pennsylvania memorial, 211;

on Quaker memorial, 238;

on motion to strike out "Potomac," and insert Delaware for seat of Government, 249;

on motion to strike out "Potomac," and insert Germantown, 249;

to strike out "Potomac," and insert Baltimore, 249;

on the passage of the bill fixing a seat of Government, 249;

on motion to strike out a clause of excise bill, 272;

on its passage, 272;

on the bill for a Bank of the United States, 308;

on the resolution respecting ratio of representation, 328;

on motion to amend by striking out second section of bill for the protection of the frontiers, 349;

on the bill for the encouragement of the cod fisheries, &c., 369;

on the resolutions relative to the courtesies of France, 370;

on receding from the amendment relative to the stamp of American coins, 373;

on the apportionment bill after it was vetoed, 374;

on its subsequent passage, 377;

on motion to strike out clause of the army reduction bill, 416;

on agreement of the House in said motion, 416;

on the passage of the bill relative to fugitives from justice, 417;

on the third resolution relative to the official conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury, 438;

on the fourth resolution, &c., 438;

on the fifth resolution, &c., 438;

on the sixth resolution, &c., 438;

on the seventh resolution, 439;

on the question relating to, &c., 440;

on amendment of constitution in the Senate, excluding bank officers from Congress, 446;

relative to the interest of the United States in the bank, 446;

on Senate resolution relative to open doors, 448;

on the eligibility of Albert Gallatin, 452; on postponing consideration of the commerce of the United States, 473;

on the bill making preparations for the Algerine war, 482;

on the resolutions of non-intercourse with Great Britain, 498;

on continuing the embargo, 502;

on the reference of the indemnity resolutions to the committee on sequestration of British debts, 505;

on motion to reject the bill laying duties on tobacco and sugar, 511;

on the bill to augment the army, 511;

on amendment to raise a force for protection of south-west frontiers, 519;

on striking out certain words in the answer to the President's speech, 540;

on the indemnification of the sufferers by the Pennsylvania insurgents, 553;

on the resolution relative to Indian lands in North Carolina, 582;

on resolutions relative to intruders on Indian lands, 589;

in Senate on agreeing to answer of President's speech, 596;

in Senate on resolutions relative to French flag, 601;

in Senate, relative to the admission of Tennessee, 602, 603;

on the resolution relative to the treaty with Great Britain, 692;

on the resolutions relative to the refusal of the President to furnish papers on the British treaty, 702;

on the resolution expressive of the sense of the House on the British treaty, 753;

on the resolution of the House relative to the execution of the British treaty, 753;

note, 754;

on the resolution that some law should be passed by Congress recognizing Tennessee as a State before its admission, 759;

on the claim of Catharine Greene, 762.

END OF VOL. I.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Of this talent, Mr. Gales has lately given a most remarkable instance, in drawing out from notes which had remained as lost for near forty years, a most important speech of Mr. Randolph, delivered shortly before the late war with Great Britain, and in relation to the then condition of public affairs, both with Great Britain and the Emperor Napoleon the First. Mr. Gales had taken down the speech: the notes of it got into the bottom of a trunk, and lay there till a year ago, when Mr. Gales, searching high and low for matter for the Annals, chanced to find them; and immediately drew out the full speech with the freshness and vigor of a morning report of a previous day's debate.

[2] In the first five years of the existence of the Federal Government, there was no publication of debates in the Senate, that body having sat with closed doors, in its legislative as well as in its executive capacity, until the 20th of February, 1794. Until that time there will be no Senate debates to be abridged; but the proceedings of the body were fully kept in journals, and selections from these proceedings will afford much curious and instructive information to the student of American political history, as showing the manner in which the founders of the government put it into operation, their views in relation to important points, and the changes which the constitution of the Senate has undergone.

[3] A list of the Senators and Representatives who composed the First Congress is inserted at page 20.

[4] his address being in the nature of an Inaugural, and confined to general recommendations, only the beginning and the ending, so characteristic of the father of his country, have been given.

[5] These entries in relation to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs show the early method of communicating with the Secretaries, being called before the Senate to give explanations and bring papers-a method now superseded by reports. The early Senators lamented the change, believing the old way to be the best for getting the information that was wanted, and also the best security against the appointment of incompetent Secretaries.

[6] Another instance of the early practice of the government. The President consults the Senate beforehand upon the negotiation of Indian treaties, and sends the Secretary at War in person to give the necessary explanations: this mode of consulting the Senate since so far departed from that that body has no knowledge of the treaty until sent in for ratification.

[7] This message of President Washington is a strong instance of his deference for the Senate, thus giving up upon its objection the nomination of a citizen which he knew to be fit and meritorious. It was also a strong instance of the deference of the Senate to the Senators of the State interested in the nomination, Col. Fishbourn having been rejected simply because the Georgia Senators preferred another.

[8] These proceedings of President Washington and the Senate, in fixing on the mode of communication between them when treaties were to be formed, or appointments to be made, was their interpretation of the clause in the constitution which requires the advice and consent of the Senate on such occasions. Their interpretation was (according to the obvious meaning of language) that the advice and consent should be obtained beforehand; and the practice was in conformity to that interpretation, as will be seen in the proceedings of the next day, when the President and Secretary at War attended the Senate, and the President gave in a statement of facts, which, in his opinion, rendered treaties with the Southern Indian tribes necessary, and asked the advice and consent of the Senate upon their formation. These proceedings will be read with interest by all who study the working of our government, and observe the changes which its practice has undergone. The change has been great in the mode of obtaining this advice and consent, and greatly to the prejudice of the free and independent action of the Senate in such cases. Instead of consultation and concurrence beforehand, as the words of the constitution imply, and as the practice under Washington required (even to the minute provisions of an Indian treaty), the most important, and even unusual and extraordinary treaties, and with foreign powers, have come to be negotiated (oftentimes) without even the knowledge of the Senate, concealed from it until concluded, and then laid before the body for ratification, as an administration measure-the ratification to be pressed under all the influences of an executive measure, and upon all the considerations of inconvenience and danger to attend the rejection of a measure executively concluded with a foreign power. Under such circumstances treaties are often ratified, and appointments often confirmed, under a moral duress of the Senate, the weight of the executive and the inconveniences of rejection leaving no chance for the free action of the body. President Polk revived the Washingtonian mode of consulting the Senate, in the formation of the Oregon Treaty in 1846, asking the advice of the Senate beforehand on the point of establishing the boundary line with Great Britain on the parallel of 49 degrees; whereof the secret as well as the public history may be seen in the "Thirty Years' View," under the proper year. The personal attendance of the President and Secretaries being found to be inconvenient, that part of the mode of communication was dispensed with in Washington's time.

[9] The question in relation to North Carolina arose out of the circumstance that she had not then accepted the Federal Constitution, and was not at that time a member of the Union.

[10] North Carolina was not represented in the first Session of this Congress, not having at that time accepted the Constitution.

[11] Rhode Island, for the same cause, did not appear till the third Session.

[12] Mr. Bland deceased during the second recess of Congress, and was succeeded at the third Session by William B. Giles.

[13] See notes to list of Senators.

[14] Ibid.

[15] For a list of the Representatives in the first Congress, see p. 20.

[16] For this list see the Senate Journal.

[17] This scale of duties, thus offered by the Continental Congress of 1783, and agreed to by the States, after proposing small specific duties on a few enumerated articles, (wines, spirits, teas, coffee, cocoa, molasses, sugars and pepper,) proposed an ad valorem duty of five per centum upon all other goods, computed on the value of the article at the time and place of importation.

[18] In bringing forward the measure for imposing impost and tonnage duties, Mr. Madison proceeded in the approved parliamentary form, of first discussing and agreeing upon the provisions of the measure, and then appointing a committee to bring in a bill according to what had been agreed upon. Long experience had proved that to be the safest mode of legislation, giving full scope to the whole intelligence of the House, before the measure had taken a form which it might be difficult to alter, as is always the case when a committee brings in a detailed bill, (without previous instructions from the House,) and which, as an act of a committee, and as a matured plan, (though done by a few,) has an authority which resists alteration, and renders amendments, at the instance of a member, most difficult to obtain. This wise and safe practice, of settling the provisions of a bill beforehand, has been nearly abandoned by our Congress-to the great prejudice of beneficial legislation.

[19] Not additional. The enumerated articles were not to be subject to the ad valorem duty of five per centum.

[20] The delegates from that State were gone to meet the Vice-President, who was expected in town this day.

[21] The members of the two Houses of Congress began to assemble on the 4th day of March, but a quorum did not appear in the House of Representatives until the 1st of April, nor in the Senate until the 6th of that month. The organization of the two Houses necessarily preceded the inauguration of the President, which took place on the 30th of April. Some of the ceremonies observed on that occasion, and for some time afterwards, have since been discontinued: as, the proclamation for the long life of the President-his repairing to church to attend divine service, accompanied by the two Houses-his re-conducting to his own house by a committee of the two Houses-the answer to the inaugural address by each House.

[22] In this measure of the tonnage duties the House, as in the case of the impost duties, (and in fact in all other cases in which a law was wanted,) first settled the provisions of the bill in discussing the propositions on which it was to be founded, and then directed a committee to bring in a bill accordingly: but the bill, when brought in, still open to debate and amendment. This was the safe mode of legislation, approved by long experience in the British Parliament, and still more commended by the evils which have grown out of its abandonment in our Congress.

[23] The legislative and diplomatic history of the United States affords abundant evidence of the wisdom of the objection taken in this debate against the indefinite duration of public acts. To repeal such laws, or to terminate such treaties, is almost impossible. Besides the difficulty of getting the three legislative branches to agree at the same time upon the repeal, or the termination, an interest grows up under the measure which becomes identified with its existence, and works for its perpetuity; and when it has been continued for some years, and the temporary circumstances in which it originated have been forgotten, it becomes invested with the sanctity of age, and finds protection in the spirit which dreads change as innovation. Of this character, two acts of Congress, and two conventions with foreign powers, may be mentioned as samples of many in our history, to wit: 1. The Factory system of supplying the Indians with cheap goods through Government agents, established as a temporary experimental measure for three years, &c., under Washington, and which was soon found to be working badly both for the Indians and for the Government, and yet which could not be got rid of for thirty years! nor until after the whole capital had disappeared.

2. The salt tax, and the fishing bounties and allowances founded upon it, revived as a temporary war-tax during the late war with Great Britain in 1812, and now continued forty years after the war has been finished! successfully resisting all attempts at repeal, while burthening the people with an odious tax, and enabling the fishing interest to take some $300,000 annually (near five millions up to this time) out of the public treasury, most of it unduly. Of treaties may be considered as instances the convention with Great Britain for the joint occupation of the Columbia, where the stipulated right of each party to terminate it at pleasure upon a year's notice, could not be exercised for twenty years! and then, with alarms of war and great disturbance to the country. And also the convention of 1842, with the same power for keeping up each a squadron on the coast of Africa, (for the suppression of the slave trade,) for five years; and until either party should give notice for its abrogation. The five years have been out three times over! yet the notice cannot be given; and a temporary measure becomes permanent through an illusory limitation.

[24] The preamble to this act, and the speeches in favor of it, have been greatly relied upon in support of a protective tariff, but without reason, as the speeches themselves, and the rate of duties established, fully show. Every speech showed revenue to be the object of every proposed duty-protection to domestic industry being an incident to result from the accomplishment of that object, and from such moderate duties as were then imposed-the ad valorems being five per centum, 7-1/2 and 12-1/2; and only a single class going as high as fifteen per centum, and that class confined to an article of luxury, to wit: imported pleasure carriages. The specific duties were on the like moderate scale; yet these moderate duties, thus laid for revenue, gave all the protection which was then asked, and to the satisfaction of every part of the Union, and cannot be quoted as any argument for the protective system which so much disturbed the country.

[25] This call to order, and enforcement of it, for so slight a deviation from the point in debate, is a striking illustration of the business habits of our early Congresses, and accounts for the reason (inter alia) why the debates of that early time were so pithy, pointed, sententious, instructive and beautiful.

[26] It is presumable he alluded to Mr. Gerry, a member of a Committee of Congress, appointed to superintend the Treasury.

[27] The questions of contested elections, generally depending upon personal and temporary circumstances, are usually omitted in this abridgment; but where they rise higher and reach the principles of Government, or connect themselves with the national history, then they become questions of general and permanent interest, adding to the stock of political knowledge; and as such are entitled to historical commemoration. Upon this view of such questions the debate on the contested election of William Smith, of South Carolina, is here given; and that on the contested election of Albert Gallatin, and some others, will be given hereafter.

[28] This remark of Mr. Madison shows the true reason for instituting the previous question, which was to prevent debate in cases in which there ought not to be any; cases in which it was necessary to guard the House against improper discussion. What a departure from that reason has since taken place in the House of Representatives! for the Senate has, thus far, been shielded from the introduction of that question and its consequent abuse.

[29] It was afterwards renewed and carried, and in that form the amendments were made, twelve in number, and form additional articles to the constitution, leaving the text of that instrument unaltered, but controlled by the amendment where they differ, as in the twelfth amendment.

[30] By taking the hour of 5 o'clock for the funeral, the adjournment of the two Houses, and the loss of a day was obviated, while becoming respect was shown to the memory of the deceased member.

[31] Having found a personal attendance on such occasions inconvenient, President Washington adopted the form of a written message in asking the advice and consent of the Senate to the formation of the treaties which he judged to be necessary. Mr. Polk followed this form in consulting the Senate on the Oregon treaty of 1846.

[32] The galleries were unusually crowded.

[33] The committee reported in favor of a residence of two years, and with that provision the bill was passed.

[34] Estimated at twenty-one millions of dollars, and distributed among the States thus:

New Hampshire, $300,000

Massachusetts, 4,000,000

Rhode Island, 200,000

Connecticut, 1,600,000

New York, 1,200,000

New Jersey, 800,000

Pennsylvania, 2,200,000

Delaware, 200,000

Maryland, 800,000

Virginia, 3,200,000

North Carolina, 2,200,000

South Carolina, 4,000,000

Georgia, 300,000

------

$21,000,000

[35] The motion of Mr. Madison was lost, and with it the largest door was opened to the pillage of original creditors, the plunder of the public Treasury and the corruption of Congress which the history of any Government has ever seen. The immediate mischief was some thirty millions: it was only the beginning. Assignees of claims have since been the great suitors to Congress-purchasing for a trifle, and upon speculation-pursuing the recovery by indirect means-taking no denial-and gaining in the end what was scouted at the start. It has given rise to a new profession-a new industrial pursuit, still more industrious by night than by day-hunting up claims, pressing them upon Congress; and by organization, skill, perseverance, appliances, and seductions carrying through the most unfounded demands. By the common law a chose in action (an executory contract) was not assignable; and the whole experience of our Government from the assumption of the State debts, and funding of the revolutionary certificates in 1790 down to the present day, shows that the interest of the original creditor, the safety of the Treasury, and the purity of Congress require this wise common law principle to be applied to all claims upon the Government.

[36] These proceedings put an end to abolition petitions in Congress. The Society of which Dr. Franklin was president was purely philanthropic in its character, and having got the answer to their petition, "that Congress had no right to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or their treatment in any of the States," acquiesced in the decision and did not repeat their application.

[37] This measure became combined with the Assumption Bill. Each had failed by small majorities: both were afterwards passed. There was a strong sectional party for each, but not a majority. The Eastern and Middle States were for the assumption-the Southern States against it: these latter were for the Potomac for the seat of Government-the former for the Susquehannah. The discontent was extreme on each side at losing its favorite measure. At last the two measures were combined. Two members from the Potomac who had voted against the assumption, agreed to change their votes: a few from the Eastern and Middle States who had voted against the Potomac, agreed to change in its favor; and so the two measures were passed. Mr. Jefferson gives this account of it, omitting his strictures: "This measure (the assumption) produced the most bitter and angry contest ever known in Congress, before or since the union of the States. I arrived in the midst of it: but a stranger to the ground, a stranger to the actors in it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the subject, and as yet unaware of its object, I took no concern in it. The great and trying question, however, was lost in the House of Representatives. So high were the feuds excited on this subject that, on its rejection, business was suspended. Congress met and adjourned from day to day without doing any thing, the parties being too much out of temper to do business together. The Eastern members threatened secession and dissolution. Hamilton was in despair. As I was going to the President's one day, I met him in the street. He walked me backwards and forwards before the President's door for half an hour. He painted pathetically the temper into which the Legislature had been wrought-the disgust of those who were called the creditor States-the danger of the secession of their members, and of the separation of the States. He observed that the members of the administration ought to act in concert-that though this question was not of my department, yet a common duty should make it a common concern-that the President was the centre on which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us should rally around him, and support, with joint efforts, measures approved by him; and that the question having been lost by a small majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment and discretion of some of my friends, might effect change in the vote, and the machine of government, now suspended, might be again set in motion. I told him that I was really a stranger to the whole subject; that not having yet informed myself of the system of finances adopted, I knew not how far this was a necessary sequence; that undoubtedly, if its rejection endangered a dissolution of our Union at this incipient stage, I should deem that the most unfortunate of all consequences, to avert which all partial and temporary evils should be yielded. I proposed to him, however, to dine with me the next day, and I would invite another friend or two, bring them into conference together, and I thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion, to form a compromise which would save the Union. The discussion took place. I could take no part in it but an exhortatory one, because I was a stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. But it was finally agreed, that whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of this proposition, the preservation of the Union, and of concord among the States, was more important, and that therefore it would be better that the vote of rejection should be rescinded-to effect which some members should change their votes. But it was observed that this pill would be peculiarly bitter to the Southern States, and that some concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. There had before been propositions to fix the seat of Government either at Philadelphia, or at Georgetown on the Potomac; and it was thought that by giving it to Philadelphia for ten years, and to Georgetown permanently afterwards, this might, as an anodyne, calm in some degree the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone: so two of the Potomac members (White and Lee, but the former with a revulsion of stomach almost convulsive) agreed to change their votes; and Hamilton undertook to carry the other point."

[38] Could the extent to which the evil has since been carried, have been foreseen at the time, the state of the vote might have been very different.

[39] Topics of temporary interest omitted.

[40] At this commencement of the second Congress, being in the third year of Washington's administration, and when the finances had been brought to order and system by General Hamilton, and the machinery of government put into fair and full operation, a proper point presents itself to look at the expenses of the new Government, both as a fact at the time, and as a point of comparison in the future. In the annual speech which the President delivered to the two Houses, he congratulated Congress on the adequacy of the revenues which had been provided, and on the prospect that no new burthens would be required to be laid upon the people. This was a gratifying announcement, and makes it desirable to see what was the revenue at that time, and to what objects applied. The first inquiry is answered by a recurrence to the two tariff acts which had been passed-one at the first, the other at the second session of the first Congress. The first act had produced near two millions of dollars, which, though five times beyond what was necessary for the support of the Government, was not sufficient for the demands of the public debt and the Indian war raging in the North-west. An augmentation of the duties became necessary, and was accomplished in the second act, but still on a scale of moderation. The ad valorems were 5 per centum, 7-1/2, 10, 12-1/2, 15; but in counting their product, only the two first may be considered, as the mass of the importations fell under those rates; to wit, above 16 millions under the two first, and less than one million under the three last; so that the 5 and the 7-1/2 ad valorems may be considered as the effective duties, and the actual levy upon the imports. The list of specific duties was enlarged in the second bill, (the Secretary of the Treasury wisely saying that the experience of the world showed that duties upon quantities, ascertainable by weight and measure, were the only ones capable of safe and cheap collection, and therefore to be preferred as far as possible.) and their rate increased, but still in moderate proportion. The produce of the whole was about 3-1/2 millions, which was nearly nine times as much as the support of the Government required, leaving nearly eight parts out of nine to go to the public debt, the Indian war, and other extraordinary objects. This important statement requires to be verified, which is done by referring to General Hamilton's estimate of appropriations at the commencement of this first session of the second Congress; to wit, CIVIL LIST, comprehending compensation to the President and Vice President-the Departments of State, Treasury and War-the Board of Commissioners-the government of the North-western Territory-the Judiciary-the two Houses of Congress-contingencies incident to the civil list: in all $328,653.00; to which was afterwards added $87,000 for diplomatic intercourse, increasing the amount of the annual estimate to $415,000. The public debt, the Indian war, and other extraordinaries took all the rest, amounting to about three millions; so that this small revenue, produced by such moderate duties upon the small importation of that day, sufficed for the support of the Government, for carrying on an Indian war as far off, (the distance measured by time and cost of march and transportation,) and with Indians far more formidable than any now in the world; and also for the interest of the public debt. This is a result for statesmen to consider, and to bring into comparison with the present state of things; and the reflection may be, that with the same spirit of economy which, then prevailed, the same knowledge of the objects for which the Federal Government was created, and the same determination to confine its action to those objects, the same moderate rate of duties on the large importations of this day would be entirely sufficient, both for the support of the Government and for all extraordinary objects. The cost of collecting the revenue in that early period also presents a point for retrospect and comparison; it was then about 3 and 1/3 per cent., and according to the principle of such collections, should become less in proportion to the larger amount collected. On the contrary, the increase has been inordinate! and is, perhaps, now hardly ascertainable, but cutting deep into the national income.

[41] The case of Pennsylvania goes far to sustain this view. The policy of William Penn was that of justice and humanity to the Indians, and his colony was long exempt from its calamity of savage hostility. It had been settled seventy years-from 1680 to 1753-before an Indian killed one of its inhabitants, and then in consequence of a disturbance in a neighboring province. Such an exemption, for so long a time, and while all the other colonies were involved in Indian wars from their early settlement, while so honorable to Penn's government and to the inoffensive manners of the inhabitants, goes far to show that the Indians were manageable by good treatment, and that, although savage, their savageism was not of a kind to resist the effects of justice and kindness.

[42] This speech, of Cornplanter, the famous chief of the Seneca tribe, (one of the Six Nations,) does not appear in the debates, having been confidentially read to the House; but it is found in the State papers of the time, and is, as the allusions to it implied, a plea in behalf of the Indians against the wrongs of the whites. Intrusion upon their lands, fraudulent purchases, and killing unoffending Indians, are the subjects of complaint. The speech opens with a characteristic appeal to Washington.

"Father: The voice of the Seneca nation speaks to you, the great councillor in whose heart the wise men of all the Thirteen Fires (Thirteen United States) have placed their wisdom. It may be very small in your ears, and we therefore entreat you to hearken with attention: for we are about to speak of things which are to us very great. When your army entered the country of the Six Nations, we called you the town destroyer; and to this day, when that name is heard, our women look behind them and turn pale, and our children cling close to the necks of their mothers. Our councillors and warriors are men, and cannot be afraid; but their hearts are grieved with the fears of our women and children, and desire it to be buried so deep as to be heard no more. When you gave us peace, we called you Father, because you promised to secure us in the possession of our lands. Do this, and, so long as the lands shall remain, that beloved name will live in the heart of every Seneca."

Then followed a complaint for wrongs done them in their lands; to which Washington replied that that wrong was done before the new Government was established and the management of Indian affairs given up to it; but that they would now be protected. This reply fell short of his expectations, and the Cornplanter rejoined:

"Father: Your speech written on the great paper, is to us like the first light of the morning to a sick man, whose pulse beats too strongly in his temples, and prevents him from sleep. He sees it and rejoices, but is not cured."

Of killing and robbing their people he said:

"Three men and one woman have been killed at Big Beaver Creek, and they were good people, and some of the white people will testify this. Twenty-seven men came from another State, and murdered these men in the Quaker State where they had come to trade, and took away all the horses, and all the goods they had purchased from the traders."

The President answers to this complaint that he is very angry to hear of this murder and robbery-that he will have it inquired into, and will comfort the friends and relations of the persons who were killed, and make them compensation for the horses and property taken; and do all in his power to bring the murderers to justice, and that he will consider the crime as bad, exactly, as if committed against so many white people, and will use the same endeavors to bring them to punishment. Satisfied with the assurances which the President gave them, the Cornplanter, and the other chiefs with him, took a formal and affectionate leave in writing; in which they say:

"Father: No Seneca ever goes from the fire of his friend until he has said to him 'I am going.' We therefore now tell you, that we are setting out for our own country. Father: We thank you from our hearts, that we now know there is a country we may call our own, and on which we may lie down in peace. We see that there will be peace between your children and our children, and our hearts are very glad."

On arriving at Pittsburg on their way home, for these interviews with Washington took place in Philadelphia, these children of the forest with a native sentiment of graceful politeness, wrote back to him to let him know how they were getting along, the whole expressed in two brief sentences.

"Through the whole Quaker State, as we came up the road, we were treated well, and they took good care of us until we came here. One misfortune happened only, that one of our wagons is not yet arrived here, the one we first engaged, and with the goods you presented to us."

They always speak affectionately of the Quaker State, and in one of the speeches to President Washington, having occasion to mention a promise made to them by the State, said:

"The Quaker State will do what it promises."

[43] Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, in his Report on the fisheries.

[44] Letters of the Secretary of War and Quartermaster General.

[45] For an authorized establishment of 5,120 men, of all arms, the actual establishment being about 3,600. It would be curious to compare the army expenses of that day with those of this day, and the comparative care with which Congress looked into these expenses at the two different periods. The United States were engaged in Indian wars then as now, and upon a theatre (time and cost of getting to it considered) as far off as our Indian wars are at present; for, the distance estimated in that way, is less now to California than it was then to the Miami of the Lakes: yet a cost of something like $200 a head was considered extravagant, and such as to call upon Congress for an inquiry.

[46] The bill came down from the Senate where debates were not published, and seems to have passed the House without debate, and almost without division, there being but seven votes against it, and two of these (Messrs. Mercer and Parker) from slave States. Nor does it appear to what part of the bill they objected, whether to the part in relation to fugitives from justice, or to those who fled from service, for both classes of fugitives were comprehended in the same bill. It was passed on a message from President Washington, founded on a communication from the Governor of Pennsylvania in relation to a fugitive from justice who had taken refuge in Virginia, and because it was necessary to have an act of Congress to give effect to the rendition clause in the constitution. There was but little necessity in those times, nor for long after, for an act of Congress to authorize the recovery of fugitive slaves. The laws of the free States, and still more the force of public opinion, were the owners' best safeguards. Public opinion was against the abduction of slaves; and if any one was seduced from his owner, it was done furtively and secretly, without show or force, and as any other moral offence would be committed. State laws favored the owner, and to a greater extent than the act of Congress did, or could. In Pennsylvania there was an act (it was passed in 1780, and only repealed in 1847) discriminating between the traveller and sojourner, and the permanent resident, allowing the former to remain six months in the State before his slaves would become subject to the emancipation laws; and, in the case of a federal government officer, allowing as much more time as his duties required him to remain. New York had the same act, only varying in time, which was nine months. While these two acts were in force, and supported by public opinion, the traveller and sojourner was safe with his slaves in those States, and the same in the other free States. There was no trouble about fugitive slaves in those times. This act of 1793 did not grow out of any such trouble, but out of the case of a fugitive from justice. It was that case which brought the subject before Congress; and, in the act that was passed, the case of fugitives from justice was first provided for, the first and second sections of the act being given to that branch of the subject, and the third and fourth to the other-all brief and plain, and executable without expense or fuss. In the case of a slave the owner was allowed to seize him wherever he saw him, by day or by night, Sundays or week-days, just as if he was in his own State, and a penalty of $500 attached to any person who resisted or obstructed him in this seizure. The only authority he wanted was after the seizure, and to justify the carrying back, and for that purpose, the affidavit of the owner, or his agent was sufficient. This act was perfect, except in relying upon State officers, as well as federal officers to execute it, these State officers not being subject to the federal law, and being forbid to act after slavery became a subject of political agitation.

[47] This was a party election, and as such conducted on both sides. Marshall, in his Life of Washington, says of it: "By each party a candidate for the chair was brought forward; and Mr. Muhlenberg, who was supported by the opposition, was elected by a majority of ten votes against Mr. Sedgwick whom the Federalists supported."

[48] The debate on this subject was one of the most elaborate, and most replete with knowledge of commercial principles and statistics, which our Congress has furnished. It grew out of the clause in the constitution which gave Congress power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and gives the interpretation of that clause by its authors, which was wholly different in its nature, as well as distinct in its grant, from the power to lay and collect duties on imports. The latter was to raise revenue: the former to coerce nations into reciprocity of liberal trade with us by making a discrimination in the trade of nations to the disadvantage of the nations which refused to come into reciprocal arrangements with us. The discrimination proposed by Mr. Madison was 5 per centum, and was levelled against Britain, and was only defeated by five votes. In this great debate, as in that upon the Bank of the United States, the genius of Hamilton and Jefferson were pitted against each other, each having made opposite reports on each question, which were the magazines from which the opposing speakers in Congress chiefly armed themselves-Mr. Madison being the chief exponent of the Jeffersonian side, and Mr. William Smith, of South Carolina, that of General Hamilton. It is curious that while this power to regulate foreign commerce by Congress, was one of the chief causes for forming the Federal Government, yet it has never been exercised by Congress, and seems to be a power overlooked, or confounded with that to lay duties and imposts for revenue. Though not yet exercised, it is a power which has found need for its exercise, and will find it again. Our immense commerce, if all articles are taxed even moderately, will produce far more revenue than the economical and fair administration of the Government would require: a large part of it would be left free, as after the payment of the public debt in President Jackson's time; and as may be again after the extinction of the public debt, and the introduction of economy into the expenditures. A moderate duty on two-thirds of the importations may then be sufficient for the expenditures of the Government, leaving (say) one-third to go upon the free list. Now the nations which receive the chief benefit of that large free importation ought to reciprocate the favor by taking something free, or at a moderate duty, from us. "Free commerce is not to be given in exchange for burthens and impositions;" and that was the principle of Mr. Madison's resolutions, which were barely defeated, and that by the influence of the mercantile class engaged in commerce with Great Britain. A full view of this subject is given in the first volume of the Thirty Years' View, in giving an account of the effort of the author to revive Mr. Madison's plan.

[49] It is grateful to behold the immense progress which the humanity of nations has made. Great Britain is no longer subject to the imputation of exciting pirates and savages against us. She has long since ceased to instigate Indian hostilities, and long ago joined us in humbling Algiers. Far from stimulating barbarian war, she even interposes to save us from civilized war with great nations-witness the proffered mediation of William the Fourth to settle the difficulty between France and the United States, in General Jackson's time: a beautiful instance of old animosity extinct under time, and former evil deeds succeeded by works of kindness and respect.

[50] This seventh, article stipulated indemnity to the owners of the deported slaves.

[51] Mr. Jefferson resigned his place of Secretary of State at the end of this session, and was succeeded by Mr. Edmund Randolph, of Virginia. Of the resignation and character of Mr. Jefferson, Marshall thus speaks: "This gentleman withdrew from political station at a moment when he stood particularly high in the esteem of his countrymen. His fixed opposition to the financial schemes which had been proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and approved by the Legislative and Executive Departments of the Government; his ardent and undisguised attachment to the revolutionary party in France; the dispositions which he was declared to possess in regard to Great Britain; and the popularity of his opinions respecting the Constitution of the United States; had devoted to him that immense party whose sentiments were supposed to comport with his on most or all of these interesting subjects. To the opposite party he had, of course, become particularly unacceptable. But the publication of his correspondence with the French minister, Genet, dissipated much of the prejudice which had been excited against him. He had, in that correspondence, maintained, with great ability, the opinions embraced by the Federalists on those points of difference which had arisen between the two Republics, and which, having become universally the subjects of discussion, had in some measure dissipated those topics on which parties had previously divided."

[52] The ratification of the Treaty, with the exception of the 12th article, was by the following vote: Yeas-Messrs. Bingham, Bradford, Cabot, Ellsworth, Foster, Frelinghuysen, Gunn, Henry, King, Latimer, Livermore, Marshall, Paine, Potts, Read, Ross, Rutherford, Strong, Trumbull, and Vining-20. Nays-Messrs. Bloodworth, Brown, Burr, Butler, Jackson, Langdon, Martin, Mason, Robinson, and Tazewell-10. This excepted article related to the direct trade with the British West Indies; and the recommendation added to the clause of ratification was with a view to obtain the full enjoyment of that trade. This was in the year 1795, and the object of the recommendation was not obtained until above thirty years thereafter, and under the administration of General Jackson.

[53] This recommendation to treat further for obtaining indemnity for the slaves carried off by the British during the Revolution, remained without effect, and all claim to that indemnification was relinquished by the treaty of 1796. But the same deportation of slaves took place in the war of 1812, followed by the same stipulation for indemnity in the treaty which closed that war, which was contained in the treaty which closed the war of the Revolution; and attended by the same refusal to comply with it. It was not until after twelve years of further negotiation, and under the administration of Mr. John Quincy Adams, and under the arbitrament of the Emperor Alexander, of Russia, that indemnity for these deported slaves of 1812 was received.

[54] This was the first instance of any heated debate in answering an address from Washington. It became a party discussion on some points, especially in relation to what was said of the Democratic societies. Marshall says of it: "A very eloquent and animated debate ensued, which terminated in the Committee of the Whole by striking out the words, "self-created societies"-47 voting for, and 45 against expunging them." The question was renewed in the House; and the Chairman of the committee being opposed in sentiment to the Speaker, who was now placed in the chair, the majority was precisely changed, and the words were reinstated. This was a victory for the Administration, but soon lost, the next being in favor of the opposition.

[55] He resigned accordingly, no further investigation being moved with respect to him. Recording the event, Marshall says: "Seldom has any minister excited in a higher, or more extensive degree than General Hamilton, the opposite passions of love and hate. His talents were of a grade too exalted not to receive from all the tribute of profound respect; and his integrity and honor as a man, not less than his official rectitude, though slandered at a distance, were admitted to be superior to reproach by those enemies who knew him."

[56] A celebrated painter who died in 1554. Speaking of this artist, Henry the Eighth once said, "Out of seven ploughmen I can make seven Lords, but out of seven Lords I cannot make even one Holbein."

[57] Col. Timothy Pickering, in place of Gen. Knox, resigned.

[58] The distinction was invidious, and soon fell under the ban of public opinion; but the mode of making it was commendable, and freed the Senators voting for the increase from the imputation of a personal motive.

[59] This was nominally a private petition, but in reality a question between the State of North Carolina and the Federal Government in relation to their relative rights over Indian lands within the chartered limits of the State.

[60] This was the first discussion with open doors, except on the contested election of Mr. Gallatin.

[61] This was the first formal opposition to the mode of answering the President's Speech at the opening of the Sessions of Congress, though many members had from the first been repugnant to it as being too close an imitation of the British mode of opening the Sessions of Parliament by an Address from the sovereign in person, an answer to it, and the presentation of the answer by the House in a body.

[62] Description of the Flag.-It is tricolor, made of the richest silk, and highly ornamented with allegorical paintings. In the middle, a cock is represented, the emblem of France, standing on a thunderbolt. At two corners, diagonally opposite, are represented two bombshells bursting; at the other two corners, other military emblems. Round the whole is a rich border of oak leaves, alternately yellow and green; the first shaded with brown and heightened with gold; the latter shaded with black and relieved with silver; in this border are entwined warlike musical instruments. The edge is ornamented with a rich gold fringe. The staff is covered with black velvet, crowned with a golden pike, and enriched with the tricolor cravatte and a pair of tassels worked in gold, and the three national colors. The flag is to be deposited in the archives of the United States.

[63] Counsel for the prisoner.

[64] Of all the members who opposed this trading establishment from the commencement, Mr. Macon was the only one that remained in Congress until it was abolished in 1822.

[65] This motion, going to the destruction of the Mint itself, brought up an incidental debate on the right of Congress to withhold appropriations for the support of existing establishments-which is the only part of the debate on the bill which retains a surviving interest.

[66] This being the last year of Washington's administration, it presents a proper occasion for seeing what the support of the Government then cost, both as an inquiry pertinent in itself, and as furnishing a point of comparison for the future. This is shown in the introductory clause to the appropriations, stating, "That for defraying the expenditure of the civil list of the United States for the year 1796, together with the incidental and contingent expenses of the several departments and officers thereof, there be appropriated a sum not exceeding $530,392 85 cents." The objects to which this expenditure went, were, 1. Salary to President and Vice President. 2. Compensation to the members of Congress, with all the incidental expenses of that body. 3. The federal judiciary, with all its contingent expenses. 4. The Executive departments, with all their subordinate offices and expenses of every kind. 5. The Mint establishment. 6. The light-house establishment. 7. North-western and South-western territorial governments; with a few other small objects. For each of these items a specific sum was appropriated, of which, the appropriations for Congress were, for the pay of the members and all the officers and attendants, (estimated for a session of six months,) $193,460; and the expenses, fuel, stationery, printing, and all other contingencies of the two Houses, were $11,500. For diplomatic intercourse, $40,000.

[67] And proved to be so in this case, though it required thirty years' experience to show it. When the system was brought to a close in 1822, it was found that the whole capital was gone.

[68] This was the first attempt to pay members of Congress as salaried officers.

[69] This resolution would seem to embody Mr. Madison's interpretation of the clause in the constitution which authorizes Congress to establish post roads.

[70] This explanatory note was written by Mr. Gales, editor of the Annals of Congress, who has rendered a valuable service to the student of political history in bringing these two great debates, each by itself, into a single and connected form. They are the groundwork of high constitutional knowledge; and, whether for the intrinsic importance of their matter, the close acquaintance of the speakers with their subject, or as fine specimens of parliamentary debating, they stand forth as debates of the first class which our congressional history has afforded. Marshall, in his history, says of them: "Never had a greater display been made of argument, of eloquence, and of passion; and never had a subject been discussed in which all classes of their fellow-citizens took a deeper interest." The first debate related to the Treaty-making power, and how far the House of Representatives had the right to refuse assent to a treaty which required an appropriation of money, or which regulated commerce, or which required the exercise of any other power specifically granted to Congress. The second applied to the execution of the commercial Treaty of 1794, with Great Britain; one party contending that the Congress was bound to make the appropriation to carry it into effect-the other denying the obligation and claiming the right of a discretionary power. The two debates were upon kindred subjects, and before the House at the same time, yet kept distinct, in the discussion, neither sliding into the other, and one finished before the other began; such was the closeness with which members then adhered to the subject, even in Committee of the Whole, and which gave to these early debates of our Congress so much point and power, and so much attraction to the hearer then and to the reader now. An abridgment can only present a part of these great debates, which cover above 300 pages of the Annals of Congress; but the whole argument will be seen on both sides, as the pith and marrow of each main speech will be given.

[71] This course was long followed, no Indian Treaty being held except authorized by an act of Congress, which was the Legislative consent to the grants of money which such Treaties usually contain, and for the payment of which an Act of Congress would be necessary. And in the two great cases of acquiring foreign territory, (Louisiana and Florida,) under Presidents contemporary with the formation of the constitution, and which required large appropriations to carry them into effect, the consent of the Legislative branch of the Government was sought and obtained before the Executive began to act-the law in both cases originating in the House of Representatives as the proper initiatory branch when money was to be paid which the people would have to raise.

[72] Thus the House, by a majority of 25, passed the call upon the President for the papers, and upon the declared ground of a right to judge the Treaty, as it contained a regulation of commerce, and also required an appropriation of money. President Washington received the call in the sense in which it was made, and although he had no objection to furnishing the papers, and had laid them before the Senate, (whence they became public,) yet he deemed it his duty to resist the claim of right asserted by the House, and therefore to refuse the papers-which he did in a closely reasoned Message, an epitome of the arguments used in the House on that side.

[73] It is seen in this answer of President Washington, that he holds the assent of the House to be unnecessary to the validity of any Treaty whatever, which, of course, includes the class contended for by the House, but makes the question broader than the one presented by its limited claim.

[74] In this resolution the House specifies the class of Treaties over which it claims a right of judgment, and limits it to those which involve a matter which has been specially granted to Congress-as an appropriation of money, or the regulation of commerce.

[75] And thus the President and the House were completely at issue-the House having expressly asserted, by a majority of 27, a right to judge, not every Treaty, or Treaties generally, but those which involved the exercise of any power granted by the constitution to itself. Trained in the school of this majority, the author of this Abridgment, as often as the occasion required, has maintained the same right for the House; and especially in the case of the territorial purchase from Mexico in 1854.

[76] Mr. Hillhouse had submitted a resolution in favor of carrying the Treaty into effect, and afterwards Mr. Maclay submitted one, declaring the contrary; and the question was, which should be taken up? Mr. Madison, as a skilful parliamentary tactician, preferred that of Mr. Hillhouse, as putting the burden of the affirmative upon the adversary, always an advantage in the debate, and, in an even vote, always decisive for the negative side.

[77] The following is the letter received by the committee appointed to inquire into the situation of the son of General Lafayette:

[Translation.]

"Ramapagh, (New Jersey,) March 28, 1796.

"Sir: I have just received the honorable resolution which the merits of my father have procured for me. Deign to express to the Representatives of the people of America his gratitude-my youth forbids me yet to speak of mine. Every day recalls to me what he taught me, at every period of his life, so full of vicissitudes, and what he has repeated in a letter, written from the depth of his prison. 'I am convinced (he says) that the goodness of the United States and the tenderness of my paternal friend will need nothing to excite them.

"Arrived in America some months since, I live in the country, in New Jersey, occupied in the pursuits of my education. I have no wants; if I had felt any, I should have answered to the paternal solicitude of the President of the United States, either by confiding them to him, or by accepting his offers. I shall hereafter consider it a duty, to impart them to the House of Representatives, which deigns to inquire into my situation.

"I am as happy as a continual inquietude relative to the object of my first affections will permit. I have found benevolence wherever I have been known, and have often had the satisfaction of hearing those, who were ignorant of my connections, speak of their interest in the fate of my father, express their admiration of, and partake the gratitude I feel, for the generous Dr. Bollman, who has done so much to break his chains.

"It is amid all these motives of emulation, that I shall continue my studies. Every day more convinced of the duties which are imposed by the goodness of Congress, and the names I have the honor to bear.

"GEO. WASHINGTON MOTIER LAFAYETTE.

The Hon. Edward Livingston, Chairman," &c.

[78] This vote of the House to carry the Treaty into effect, was no abandonment of the right it had asserted to judge its merits, and to grant or withhold the appropriation according to its discretion. The discussion sufficiently shows this, and that many members took care to save their votes from any misconstruction on this head. A sense of expediency, and not the force of obligation, carried the vote; and certainly the inducements to let the Treaty stand were very great. Marshall sums them up thus: "If Congress refused to perform the Treaty on the part of the United States, a compliance on the part of Great Britain could not be expected. The posts on the great lakes would still be occupied by British garrisons: no compensation would be made for American vessels illegally captured: the hostile dispositions which had been excited, would be restored with increased aggravation: and that these dispositions must infallibly lead to war, was implicitly believed." The amount to be appropriated was only $90,000, a sum entirely insignificant, and only to be contested on account of the principle its appropriation would involve. Yet the insignificance of the sum, and with all the inducements to let the Treaty stand, and under such a President as Washington, barely saved it from defeat! so jealous was the Democratic party of that day of the rights of Congress, and so determined was the House to remain master of the public purse. Ninety thousand dollars was all the money at stake; but what has since been seen? An Executive offering fifty millions for a slip of territory! and one hundred millions, and afterwards two hundred, for an island! Actually negotiating a Treaty of twenty millions, which the Senate reduced to ten! and all, not only without the sanction, but without the knowledge of the Legislative power. To admit that Congress would be bound to appropriate such sums if the offers had ripened into Treaty stipulations, would be to admit that the President, Senate, and a foreign potentate were masters of the appropriating power; and, of course, of the taxing and borrowing power, and of all the means by which money was to be raised. Even a discretionary power over the appropriation, after the Treaty has been made, is but a slight defence for the treasury, there being always in Congress, as in all public bodies, men to yield to circumstances,-good easy men to be persuaded; timid men to be scared; venal men to be purchased. And out of these classes enough are usually found to turn the scale, when upright men divide upon a large measure. The only safe way is that of consultation beforehand, as practised by Washington in the early part of his Administration, and by the Presidents under whom Louisiana, Florida, and California were acquired.

[79] The claim was renewed continually, and fruitlessly, until the year 1832, when it was allowed, and the horse paid for according to his certificated specie value at the time he was taken in the year 1781-$1,500.

[80] Up to this time and afterwards, until the year 1798, there was no Naval Department, or Secretary of the Navy, and the marine, as well as the land force, was under the charge of the Secretary of War-which accounts for the appropriations of the two branches of the service appearing in the same bill.

[81] The whole sum appropriated for the Military and Naval Establishments of the year, was, $1,318,873-the strength of the army being 3000 men, and the debate is given as an instance of the closeness with which appropriations were scrutinized in the early ages of the Government, and also as showing the expense of maintaining troops in the north-west-then as far off (time and cost considered) as our Pacific possessions now are.