A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II

Summary Deduction of the Discoveries of the World, from their first Original, to the year 1555, by Antonio Galvano [1].

[1] Oxford Collection, II. 353. Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. App 1.

INTRODUCTION.

This treatise was written in the Portuguese language, by Antonio Galvano, who had been governor of Ternate, the chief of the Molucca Islands, and was first translated into English by the celebrated Richard Hakluyt, who dedicated it to Sir Robert Cecil, Principal Secretary of State to Queen Elizabeth. It was afterwards inserted in Osbornes, or the Oxford Collection of Voyages and Travels, and forms an appendix to the first volume of Clarke's Progress of Maritime Discovery; and from these sources the present edition has been carefully prepared. Of Richard Hakluyt, the original translator, the following notice is worthy of being preserved. "The great Richard Hakluyt was descended from an ancient family at Yetton in Herefordshire, and was educated at Westminster School, from whence he was elected a student of Christ Church, in the University of Oxford, where he took the degrees of Bachelor and Master of Arts. Entering into holy orders, he was first made a prebendary of Bristol, and afterwards of Westminster, and rector of Witheringset in Suffolk. Besides this translation, he illustrated the eight decades of Peter Martyr Angelericus de Novo Orbe with curious notes. He also translated from the Portuguese, Virginia , richly valued by the description of Florida, her next neighbour; and wrote notes of certain commodities, in good request in the East Indies, Molucca, and China; but what has most deservedly perpetuated his name, is his great pains, and judgment, in collecting English Voyages, Navigations, Trafficks, and Discoveries [2]."

[2] Oxford Collection, I. viii.

Both from the nature of this treatise on the origin and progress of maritime discovery, and from respect to the memory of Hakluyt, the father of our English collections of voyages and travels, it has been selected for insertion in this place, as an appropriate introduction to the Second Part of our arrangement; because its author may be considered as almost an original authority for the early discoveries of the Portuguese and Spaniards. Although it may be considered in some measure as not precisely conformable with our plan, yet one portion of this summary is directly in point; and, the whole being curious, and in no respect tedious, it is here given entire; changing the antiquated English of Hakluyt into modern language. Although said in its title to extend to the year 1555, the chronological series of Galvano properly ends in 1545; and the only subsequent incident, is a very slight notice of the voyage of Sir Hugh Willoughby and Richard Chancellor, towards the White Sea, in 1553. In the original translation, and in the Oxford collection, this treatise is preceded by a dedication from Hakluyt to Sir Robert Cecil ; and another dedication from the Portuguese editor, Francis de Sousa Tavares, to Don John, Duke of Aveira; both of which are here omitted, as having no directly useful tendency, except so much of the latter as refers to the history of Galvano. Besides the present discourse, Galvano composed a history of the Molucca Islands, of which he had been governor, which work has unfortunately been lost, or at least is unknown in this country. He is likewise said to have published at Lisbon in 1555, an account of the different routes by which the merchandize of India had been conveyed into Europe at different periods.

Antonio Galvano, the author of the following Summary of the Discoveries of the World, was a Portuguese gentleman, who was several years governor of the Molucca Islands, and performed signal service to his country in that honourable station, by dissipating a formidable league, which had been entered into by the native princes of these islands, for the expulsion of the Portuguese; and, though possessing very inadequate resources for the protection of so important a commercial establishment, he confirmed and extended the dominion and influence of Portugal in these islands. When first appointed to the command in the Moluccas, Galvano carried with him a private fortune of 10,000 crusadoes, all of which he expended in the public service. Though he added a clear revenue to the crown of 500,000 crusadoes, in consequence of his successful, vigilant, and pure administration, he was so zealous in patronizing the propagation of the Christian religion among the islands belonging to his government, that, on his return to Lisbon in 1540, he was reduced to such extreme poverty, as to be under the necessity of taking refuge in the hospital , where he died in 1557.

Francis de Sousa Tavares, the original Portuguese editor of this treatise, in a dedication of the work to Don John Duke of Aveira, gives the following account of the work, and of its author:

"Antonio Galvano, when on his death-bed, left me this book, along with his other papers, by his testament; and, as I am certain he designed that it should be presented to your highness, I have thought proper to fulfil his intentions in that respect. It was fitting that this treatise should be written by a native of Portugal, as it treats of the various ways in which the spiceries and other commodities of India were formerly brought to our part of the world, and gives an account of all the navigations and discoveries of the ancients and moderns, in both of which things the Portuguese have laboured above all other nations. In this treatise, and in nine or ten other books, concerning India and the Moluccas, this true Portuguese described the unfortunate and sorrowful times, before our day, in which he had been engaged. When he was appointed to the command of the islands and fortresses of the Moluccas, all the kings and chiefs of these islands had agreed to make war against our nation, and to drive them out of the country. Yet he fought against them all in Tidore, though he had only 130 Portuguese soldiers, against their whole united power, and gave them a signal overthrow, in which their king, and one Ternate, the principal author of the war, were both slain; besides which, he conquered their fortresses, and compelled them all to submit to the obedience and service of our sovereign. In this war, two great and wonderful events took place: the first , that all the chiefs and kings of these islands united against us, who used ever to be at variance among themselves; and secondly , that Galvano, with only the ordinary garrison, should obtain the victory against so great a combination. It has happened to other governors of the Moluccas, with an extraordinary number of European troops, and assisted by all the other native lords, to go to war with one king only, and to come back with loss; whereas he, with a small and inadequate force, successfully waged war against a confederacy of all the lords of these islands.

"Three brilliant exploits have been performed in India, beyond all others. The capture of Muar by Emanuel Falcon; the winning of Bitam by Peter Mascarenas; and this victory obtained by Galvano. Besides this great exploit, his father and four brothers were all slain in the kings service; and he, being the last of his lineage, carried with him about 10,000 crusadoes into the Moluccas, all of which he expended in propagating our holy faith, and in preserving these valuable islands, using all his power and influence to bring all the cloves into the kings coffers, by which he added 500,000 crusadoes yearly to the royal revenue. Had he gathered cloves on his own account, as other governors of the Moluccas have done, he might have come home very rich; but returning poor, and, in the simplicity of his nature, expecting to be rewarded for his honest services, he was entirely neglected, and had to take refuge in an hospital, where he remained seventeen years, till his death, when he was 2000 crusadoes in debt; partly for demands upon him from India, and partly borrowed from his friends to maintain him in the hospital. After his death, the cardinal desired me to give his other writings to Damien de Goes, promising to content me for them, which otherwise I should not have done; yet hitherto I have not received any thing with which to execute his will. Yet, for all this, as in the prosperity of his victories he made no boast, so, in his adversity, he always preserved an unabated spirit. Your grace, therefore, may perceive, that this treatise, and his other works, were written under great afflictions; yet was he not willing to use the remedy of Zelim, the son of the great Turk Mahomet, who took Constantinople, and died in Rome, who used to make himself drunk, that he might forget the high estate from which he had fallen. Neither would he follow the councils of many of his friends, in withdrawing from the kingdom; saying, he had rather resemble Timocles the Athenian, than the Roman Coriolanus. For all which, this treatise ought to receive favour from your grace, allowing for any oversights of the author, if there be any such, as I am unfit to detect or correct then. God prosper your grace with long life, and increase of honour."

SECTION I.

Epitome of the Ancient and Modern Discoveries of the World, chiefly by means of Navigation, from the Flood to the close of the Fifteenth Century.

When I first desired to compose an account of the ancient and modern discoveries by sea and land, with their true dates and situations, these two principal circumstances seemed involved in such difficulty and confusion, that I had almost desisted from the attempt. Even in regard to the date of the flood, the Hebrews reckon that event to have happened 1656 years after the creation: while the seventy interpreters make it 2242; and St Augustine extends the time to 2262 years[1]. In regard to geographical situations, likewise, there are many differences; for there never sailed ten or an hundred pilots in one fleet, but they made their reckonings in almost as many different longitudes. But considering that all these difficulties might be surmounted, by just comparison, and the exercise of judgment, I at length resolved to persist in my undertaking.

[1] August. de Civit. Dic. I. 15. c. 20.

Some allege that the world was fully known in ancient times; for, as it was peopled and inhabited, it must have been navigable and frequented; and because the ancient people were of longer lives, and had all one law and one language, they could not fail to be acquainted with the whole world. Others again believe, that though the world might be once universally known by mankind, yet, by the wickedness of man, and the want of justice among nations, that knowledge has been lost. But as all the most important discoveries have been made by sea, and that chiefly in our own times, it were desirable to learn who were the first discoverers since the flood. Some allege the Greeks, others the Phenicians, while others say the Egyptians. The inhabitants of India, on the contrary, pretend that they were the first navigators; particularly the Tabencos, whom we now call Chinese; and allege in proof of this, that they were lords of all the Indies, even to Cape Bona Speranca, and the island of St Lawrence[2], which is inhabited by them; as likewise all the coasts of the Indian seas, also the Javas, Timores, Celebes, Macassar, the Moluccas, Borneo, Mindanao, Lu?ones, Lequeos, the Japans, and many other islands; also the countries of Cochin-China, Laos, Bramas[3], Pegu, Arracones[4], till you come quite to Bengala. Besides all these, New Spain, Peru, Brazil, the Antilles, and all the adjoining lands, are possessed by the same race, as appears by the fashions and manners both of the men and women, who have small eyes, flat noses, with other proportions resembling the Chinese. And to this day, many of these islands and countries are called by such names, as Bato-China, Bocho-China, and the like, indicating the countries of, or belonging to China.

[2] The Cape of Good Hope, and the island of Madagascar--E.

[3] Birmahs

[4] Arracan

It farther appears, that the ark of Noah rested upon the north part of the mountains of Armenia, in 40 degrees of latitude or upwards; and that Scythia, being a high land, and the first that appeared out of the universal deluge, was first peopled. And as the province or country of the Tabencos, or Chinese, is one of the chiefest of all Tartary, its inhabitants may be considered as the most ancient nation, and the oldest navigators. Their seas are calm; and, as lying between the tropics, their days and nights are nearly equal, and their seasons differ little in temperature; and as no outrageous winds swell their seas into storms, navigation among them is safe and easy. Their small barks called catamorans have only a large bough of a tree set up in the middle, serving as mast and sail; the master steers only with an oar, and the passengers sit on poles fastened to the bark.

It is said that the people of China were anciently lords of almost all Scythia, and were in use to sail along that coast, which reaches from east to west, in seventy degrees of north latitude. Cornelius Nepos says, that, in the time when Metellus, the colleague of Afranius, was proconsul of Gaul, the king of the Suevi sent to him certain Indians, who came to his country in a ship by the north and the flats of Germany[5]. These people probably came from China; as in that country, in the latitudes of 20, 30, and 40 degrees, they have strong and well-fastened ships, which can bear the seas and encounter the severity of the northern climate. Cambaia also has ships, and its inhabitants are said to have long used the seas; but it is not likely they should have gone to Gaul; for they only trade to Cairo, and are indeed a people of little trade and less clothing.

[5] Pompon. Mela, I. 3. Plin. I. 2. c. 67.

Those who escaped from the flood kept the hills, not daring for a long time to descend into the plains and low countries; and Nimrod, an hundred and thirty years afterwards, built the tower of Babel, intending it as a refuge in case of any future deluge[6]. Upon the whole, it seems probable that the inhabitants of China and the east were the first sailors; though others think the inhabitants of the west, particularly of Syria, were the first to use the sea[7]. This contest about the antiquity of navigation, I leave to the Scythians and Egyptians, who each challenge the honour to themselves. But leaving all contested points in this matter, I now apply to my proposed deduction, resting only upon what has been recorded in authentic histories. Ancient history says that Tubal, in the hundred and forty-third year after the flood, came by sea into Spain[8]; whence it appears that in these early times navigation was usual from Ethiopia to our parts of western Europe. It is also said, that Semiramis invaded the country on the river Indus, whence the Indians derive their name, and gave battle to king Stabrobates, in which he lost a thousand ships[9]; by which it clearly appears there were then many ships in those parts; and that the seas were much frequented.

[6] Joseph: Ant. Jud. I. 1. c. 5.

[7] Justin, I. 1.

[8] Berosus.

[9] Diod. Sic. I. 2. c. 5.

In the six hundred and fiftieth year after the flood, there was a king in Spain named Hesperus[10]; and Gonsalvo Fernandez de Oviedo, the chronicler of antiquities[11], affirms that he made discoveries by sea as far as Cape Verde and the Isle of St Thomas, of which he was prince, and that in his time the islands of the West Indies were discovered, and called the Hesperides, after his name. He alleges many reasons in proof of this assertion, and even says particularly, that these early navigators sailed in forty days from Cape Verde to these islands. Others say, that the islands of St Thomas and de Principe are the Hesperides, and not the Antilles; which is the more probable, as these ancient navigators only sailed along the coast, not daring to pass through the main ocean, having no compass, nor any means of taking altitudes for their guidance. It is not to be denied that many countries, islands, capes, isthmuses, and points, the names of which are found in histories, are now unknown; because, in course of ages, the force of the waters has wasted and consumed them, and has separated countries from each other formerly joined, both in Europe, Asia, Africa, New Spain, Peru, and other places.

[10] Berosus.

[11] Gons. Fern. I. 2. c. 3. Plin. I. 6. c. 31.

In his dialogue called Timaeus, Plato says there was anciently a great country and large islands in the Atlantic, named Atlantides, greater than Europe and Africa, and that the kings of these parts were lords of a great part of Spain; but that, by the force of great tempests, the sea had overflowed the country, leaving nothing but banks of mud and gravel, so that no ships could pass that way for long after. It is also recorded by Pliny[12], that close by the island of Cadiz, there was a well inhabited island called Aphrodisias, towards the Straits of Gibraltar, abounding in gardens and orchards; but we have now no knowledge of this island, except from the bare mention of it in ancient authors. The Isle of Cadiz is said to have been anciently so large as to join the continent of Spain. The A?ores are held to have been a continuation of the mountains of Estrella, which join the sea coast beside the town of Cintra; and the Sierra Verde, or Green-mountains, which reach the coast, near the city of Sasin in the land of Cucu , or the island of Moudim in which Algarbe is situated, are supposed to have reached to Porto Santo and Madeira. For it is considered as an indubitable fact, that all islands derive their roots from the firm land or continent, however distant, as otherwise they could not stand firm. Other authors say, that from Spain to Ceuta in Barbary, people sometimes travelled on foot on dry land; that the islands of Corsica and Sardinia were once joined; that Sicily was united with Italy, and the Negropont with Greece[13]. We read also of the hulls of ships, iron anchors, and other remnants of shipping, having been found on the mountains of Susa, far inland, where there is now no appearance of the sea having ever been. Many writers affirm, that in India and Malabar, which now abounds in people, the sea once reached the foot of the mountains; and that Cape Comorin and the island of Ceylon were once united; also that Sumatra once joined with Malacca, by the shoals of Caypasia; and not far from thence there is a small island which, only a few years ago, was joined to the opposite coast. Ptolemy advances the point of Malacca three or four degrees to the south of the line; whereas its most southerly point, now called Jentana, is in one degree of north latitude, by which people pass daily the straits of Cincapura to the coasts of Siam and China; and the island of Aynan is said to have formerly joined the land of China; the southern extremity of which Ptolomey placed far to the south of the line, though it now only reaches to twentieth degree of north latitude.

[12] Plin. I. 4. c. 22.

[13] Eratosth. ap. Strab. I. 1. p. 26.

It may even have been that Malacca and China, as Ptolemy sets forth, extended beyond the line to the south; as Malacca might join with the land called Jentana, and the islands of Bintam, Banca, and Salistres, and the land might be all slime and ouze; likewise China might be united with the Lu?ones, Borneo, Lequeuo, Mindanao, and others. Some are of opinion, that Sumatra joined with Java, across what is now the Straits of Sunda; and that Java also joined with the islands of Bali, Anjave, Cambava, Solor, Hogalcao, Maulva, Vintara, Rosalaguin, and others in that range, all of which are so near as to appear continuous, when seen from a small distance; and they still are so near together, that in passing through the channels which divide them, the boughs of the trees on each side may be touched by the hands. It is not long since several of the islands of Banda in the east were drowned by the sea overflowing them; and in China, about 180 miles of firm land are said to have become a lake. All these things are to be considered as coming within the limits of probability, especially when we take into account what has been related of similar events by Ptolemy and others, but which I here omit to return to my subject.

About 800 years after the deluge, the city of Troy was built by the Dardanians; and even before that time, spices, drugs, and many other kinds of merchandize, which were then more abundant than now, were brought from India to Europe, by the Red Sea. Hence, if credit can be given to these accounts, we may conclude, that the sea of old was much frequented, those of the east bringing their commodities to the haven of Arsinoe in the Arabian Gulf, now called Suez[14], in lat. 30° N. and at the northern extremity of the Arabian Gulf; from whence the goods were carried by caravans, upon camels, asses, and mules, to Cassou, a city on the coast of the Levant sea, in lat. 32° N. Allowing seventeen leagues and a half to every degree of latitude, these two cities are said to have been 35 leagues, or 105[15] miles distant from each other. On account of the heat, these caravans, or great companies of carriers, travelled only in the night, directing themselves by the stars, and by land-marks fixed in the ground for that purpose. But finding this journey attended with many inconveniencies, the course was twice altered in search of a more commodious route[16]. About nine hundred years after the flood, and previous to the destruction of Troy, Egypt was ruled by a king named Sesostris, who caused a canal to be cut from the Red Sea to that arm of the Nile which flows past the city of Heroum, that ships might pass and repass between India and Europe, to avoid the expence and trouble of carrying merchandize by land across the isthmus of Suez; and Sesostris had large caraks or ships built for this purpose[17]. This enterprize, however, did not completely succeed; for, if it had, Africa would have been converted into an island, as there are even now only twenty leagues or sixty miles of land between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean.

[14] Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

[15] The miles here used are three to the league; but the league of the text is nearly equal to four English miles, and the assumed distance of these two ports 140 of our miles--E.

[16] Strab. I. 17. p. 560.

[17] Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

About this time the Grecians gathered a fleet and army, called the Argonautic expedition, under the command of Jason and Alceus[18]. Some say they sailed from Crete, and others from Greece; but they passed through the Propontis and the sleeve of St George into the Euxine, where some of the vessels perished, and Jason returned back to Greece. Alceus reported that he was driven by a tempest to the Palus Maeotis, where he was deserted by all his company; and those who escaped had to travel by land to the German ocean, where they procured shipping; and sailing past the coasts of Saxony, Friesland, Holland, Flanders, France, Spain, and Italy, returned to the Peloponnesus and Greece, after discovering a great portion of the coast of Europe.

[18] Diod. Sic. I. 4. c. 4.

Strabo, on the authority of Aristonicus the grammarian, says, that king Menelaus, after the destruction of Troy, sailed from the Grecian sea to the Atlantic, coasted along Africa and Guinea, doubled the Cape Bona Speran?a, and arrived in India[19]; concerning which voyage many other particulars might be collected from the writings of the ancients. This Mediterranean Sea was sometimes called the Adriatic, the Aegean, and the Herculean Sea; and had other names, according to the lands, coasts, and islands, which it skirted, till, running through the Straits of Hercules, between Spain and Africa, it communicated with the great Atlantic Ocean. Thirteen hundred years after the flood, Solomon caused a navy to be constructed at Ezion-geber on the Red Sea, which sailed to Tharsis and Ophir, which some believe to have been islands in the East Indies. This fleet was three years on its voyage, and on its return brought gold, silver, cypress-wood, and other commodities[20]. The islands to which the navy of Solomon traded were probably those we now call the Lu?ones, the Lequeos, and China; for we know of few other places whence some of the things mentioned as forming their cargoes can be had, or where navigation has been so long practised.

[19] Strab. I. 1. p. 26.

[20] Kings, I. 9. Chron. II. 8.

Necho, one of the kings of Egypt, was desirous to have joined the Red Sea with the Mediterranean, and is said in history to have commanded some Phenicians to sail from the Red Sea by the Straits of Mecca, and to endeavour to return to Egypt by the Mediterranean[21]. This they accomplished, and sailed along the coast of Melinda, Quiloa, and Sofala, till they reached the Cape of Good Hope, which they doubled; and, continuing their course to the north, they sailed along the coast of Guinea all the way to the Mediterranean, and returned to Egypt after two years absence, being the first who had circumnavigated Africa.

[21] Herodot. I. 4.

In the year 590 before the Incarnation, a fleet belonging to Carthaginian merchants sailed from Cadiz through the ocean, to the west, in search of land[22]. They proceeded so far that they came to the islands now called the Antilles, and to New Spain[23]. This is given on the authority of Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, in his General History, who says that these countries were then discovered; and that Christopher Columbus, by his voyages in after times, only acquired more exact knowledge of them, and hath left us a more precise notice of their situation, and of the way to them. But all those historians who formerly wrote concerning the Antilles, as of doubtful and uncertain existence, now plainly allow them to be the same with New Spain and the West Indies. In the year 520 before Christ, Cambyses, king of Persia, conquered Egypt, and was succeeded by Darius, the son of Hystaspes. This latter prince determined upon completing the projects of Sesostris and Necho, by digging a canal between the Red Sea and the Nile: But, being assured that the Red Sea was higher than the Nile, and that its salt water would overflow and ruin the whole land of Egypt, he abandoned his purpose, lest that fine province should be destroyed by famine and the want of fresh water[24]; for the fresh water of the Nile overflows the whole country, and the inhabitants have no other water to drink.

[22] Arist. de Mirand.

[23] Gonz. Fern. Ovied. I. 2. c. 3.

[24] Plin. I. 9. c. 58. de Maribus Nili.

It may not be too great a digression from the subject, to say a few words concerning Egypt. The natives allege that they have in their country certain animals, of which one half of their bodies seem earth, and the other like rats, one species of which keeps continually in the water, while another species lives on the land. In my opinion, it is these animals which break the serpents eggs, of which there are many in the Nile, but which serpents are also called crocodiles. It is said, that in ancient times these animals were inchanted, so that they could not do harm to any one: But since they have been freed from the power of inchantment, by the arts and learning of the Egyptians decaying, they have done much hurt, by killing people, wild beasts, and cattle, more especially those which live in the water and come often on land. Those that live continually on the land become strongly venomous[25]. The people beyond the city of Cairo used to catch these animals, and even to eat them, setting up their heads on the walls of the city. Concerning these crocodiles, it is related[26] that they often lie along the shores of the river with their mouths wide open; on which occasion, certain white birds, little larger than our thrushes, fly into the mouths of the crocodiles, and pick out the filth from between his teeth, to the great delight of the crocodile; which, however, would surely close his mouth and devour the bird, had not nature provided the bird with a sharp sting, growing from the top of his head, which pricks the roof of the crocodiles mouth, and forces him to gape, so that the bird flies away unhurt. In this manner, by means of a succession of these birds, the crocodiles get their teeth cleansed. In this same river, there are many beasts resembling horses; and upon the land, there are certain birds like our cranes, which continually make war upon the serpents, which come thither out of Arabia: Which birds, and likewise the rats, which eat the eggs of the crocodiles, are held in great reverence and estimation, by the Egyptians.

[25] Joan. Leo Afric. I. 9. de Nilo.--Our author has got into a strange dilemma, by confounding crocodiles and serpents under one denomination. --E.

[26] Plin. and Leo, ub. cit.

But now, to return to my subject of discoveries. In the year 485 before Christ, Xerxes, king of Persia, sent his nephew Sataspis to discover India; who sailed from the Mediterranean through the Straits of Hercules, and passed the promontory of Africa, which we now call the Cape of Good Hope; but, wearying of the length of the voyage, he returned back again, as Bartholomew Diaz did in our days[27]. In 443 A. C. Hamilco and Hanno, two Carthaginian commanders who governed that part of Spain now called Andalusia, sailed from thence with two squadrons. Hamilco, sailing towards the north, discovered the coasts of Spain, France, England, Flanders, and Germany; and some allege that he sailed to Gothland, and even to Thule or Iceland, standing under the Arctic circle, in 64 degrees north, and continued his voyage during two years, till he came to that northern island, where the day in June continues for twenty-two hours, and the nights in December are of a similar length; on account of which it is there wonderfully cold. His brother, Hanno, took his course to the south, along the coast of Africa and Guinea, and discovered the Fortunate Islands, now the Canaries, and the Orcades, Hesperides, and Gorgades, now called the Cape de Verde islands. Proceeding onwards, Hanno doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and went along the eastern coast of Africa to another cape, called Aromaticum, now called Gardafu, and thence to the coast of Arabia, and was five years employed in this voyage before his return to Spain[28]. Others allege, that Hanno proceeded no farther than Sierra Leona, which he colonized, and afterwards discovered as far as the equinoctial line; but it would rather appear, from the length of time he employed, that he must have accomplished the more extended navigation.

[27] Plin. I. 2. c. 67.

[28] Plin. I. 6. c. 31. This subject will be discussed in the Fifth Part of our work; being much too extensive to admit of elucidation in a note.--E.

It is reported that the inhabitants of the country at the Cape of Good Hope are great witches, and by inchantment bring certain serpents so much under command, that they preserve their churches, churchyards, gardens, orchards, barns, and cattle, both from wild beasts and thieves. When these serpents see any person doing or intending to do harm, they wind themselves in such a manner around them as to make them prisoners, and then command their young ones to give notice to their masters, that they may come and secure the thieves. But if the thieves be numerous, or the wild beasts of too much strength, so that the serpents dare not encounter them, they go to their masters house, and if it happen to be in the night, they give many strokes with their tails, so as to awaken their masters, that they may provide for their defence[29].

[29] Hasty readers will have the justice to give the honour of this story to Galvano.--E.

A certain Italian, named Aloisius Cadamosta, relates, that when he was upon the discovery of Guinea, and resided in the house of Bisboral, the grandson of king Budomel, he heard one night, when in bed, a great noise and many blows given about the house, upon which Bisboral arose and went out; and, upon his return, Cadamosta demanded of him where he had been, and he answered that he had been with his cobras or snakes, which called him[30]. In the Indies there are many snakes, and some of them very full of poison; yet the Indians carry them about their necks, and put them in their bosoms, and under their arms, without fear or injury; and at certain sounds, the snakes will dance, and do many other strange things at command.

[30] This story will be found hereafter very differently related by Cada Mosto himself, but with a sufficient spice of the marvellous.--E.

I was informed by a certain Portuguese, who had been beyond the Cape of Good Hope, towards Sofala, Quiloa, and Melinda, that there were certain birds in that country, which would come to the negroes on a call, and as the negroes moved on through the woods, the birds would do the same from tree to tree, till at length they would alight on a tree whence they would not remove: And, on examining that tree, the negroes were sure to find wax and honey, but knew not whether it grew there naturally or not[31]. In the same country, they find much wax and honey in ant-holes, made by the ants, but somewhat bitter. In the seas of that coast, there are certain fish, known to the fishermen, which commonly swim upright in the water, having the faces and breasts of women[32].

[31] The Honey-guide, or Cuculus Indicator, will be noticed more particularly in the Travels through the Colony of the Cape.--E.

[32] The Philosophers of the nineteenth century have fortunately rediscovered the Mermaid in the north of Scotland! Hitherto, wonderful things used to be confined to barbarous regions and ignorant ages.--E.

In the year 355 before Christ, the Spaniards are said to have gone by sea to the flats of India, Arabia, and the adjoining coasts, to which they carried various merchandizes in great ships; and sailing to the north- west they came to certain flats which are covered by the tide, and left bare by the ebb, where they caught many tunnies of great size; which fishing turned out to their great profit, as they were very abundant and much esteemed[33].

[33] Arist. de Mirand. Strabo, I. 2. p. 68.

Alexander, who flourished 324 years before Christ, travelled from Europe into Asia and Africa, passed through Armenia, Assyria, Persia, and Bactria; whence he descended by the mountains of Imaus and the vallies of Parapomissus, into India, and prepared a navy on the river Indus, with which he passed into the ocean. He there turned by the lands of Gedrosia, Caramania, and Persia, to the great city of Babylon, leaving the command of his fleet to Onesicratus and Nearchus, who sailed through the straits of the Persian Sea and up the river Euphrates, discovering the whole coast between the Indus and that river.

After the death of Alexander, Ptolemy became king of Egypt, who by some was reputed to have been the bastard son of Philip, the father of Alexander: He, imitating the before named kings, Sesostris and Darius, caused dig a canal from the branch of the Nile which passed by Pelusium, now by the city of Damieta[34]. This canal of Ptolemy was an hundred feet broad and thirty feet deep, and extended ten or twelve leagues in length, till it came to the bitter wells . He meant to have continued it to the Red Sea; but desisted on the idea that the Red Sea was three cubits higher than the land of Egypt, and would have overflowed all the country, to its entire ruin.

[34] Plin. I. 6. c. 29.

Ptolemy Philadelphus, in the year 277 before Christ, changed the direction of the Indian traffic. The goods from Europe, by his orders, were carried up the Nile from Alexandria to the city of Coptus, and conveyed across the desert from thence to the sea-port of Myos-Hormos on the Red-sea[35]. To avoid the excessive heat, the caravans travelled only in the night, directing their course by the stars; and water being very scarce in the desert, they had to carry a sufficient quantity with them for the journey. Afterwards, to avoid this trouble, deep wells were dug at certain intervals; and in other places large cisterns or reservoirs were constructed for the reception of rain water. Still later, in consideration of the dangers attending the port of Myos-Hormos, on account of flats and islands, Philadelphus sent an army into Troglodytica, where he constructed a haven called Berenice, in which the ships engaged in the Indian commerce took shelter, as a place of greater security. From thence the goods were transported to the city of Coptus, and afterwards to Alexandria, which became rich and famous, through its trade with India, beyond any other city in the world; insomuch that it is asserted that the customs of Alexandria yielded every year to Ptolemy Auletes, the father of Cleopatra, seven millions and a half of gold, though the traffic had then scarcely subsisted in that direction for twenty years[36]. After the reduction of Egypt and Alexandria under the power of the Romans, the customs are said to have advanced to double that amount; and the trade was so great, that 120 ships used to be sent yearly from Myos-Hormos to India. The ships set sail every year from Myos-Hormos about the middle of July, and returned back within the year[37]. The merchandize they carried amounted to the value of one million two hundred thousand crowns; and the returns were an hundred for one; and through this prodigious increase of wealth, the matrons and noble ladies of those days in Alexandria, were exceedingly profuse in decorating themselves with purple, pearls, and precious stones, and in the use of musk, amber, and other rich perfumes of various kinds; of all which the historians and other writers of that age treat at great length[38].

[35] Strabo, I. 17. p. 560, 561.

[36] Strab. I. 17. p. 549.

[37] Plin. I. 6. c. 23.

[38] Id. I. 12. c. 18.

Pliny[39], on the authority of Cornelius Nepos, says that one Eudoxus, flying from Ptolemy Lathyrus, passed by sea through the gulf of Arabia, and sailing along the eastern coast of Africa, doubled the cape of Bona Speran?a arrived by the Atlantic at Cadiz; and it would appear that this navigation was as often used in those days as it now is. Caius Caesar, the son of Augustus, going into Arabia, found in the Red Sea certain pieces of the ships which had gone thither from Spain.

[39] Id. I. 2. c. 67.

Long after these days it was usual to pass to India by land. This was done by the kings of the Sogdians, the princes of Bactria, and other famous captains and many merchants, who travelled thither and into Scythia by land. Marcus Paulus Venetus writes largely of these countries; and though his book at first was reckoned fabulous, yet what he and others have reported is now found true, by the experience of travellers, and merchants who have since been to the same parts.

It is reported that the Romans sent an army by sea to India, against the great khan of Cathaia, 200 years before the Incarnation; which, passing through the Straits of Gibraltar, and running to the north-west, found ten islands opposite to Cape Finisterre; producing large quantities of tin, which perhaps may have been those afterwards called the Cassiterides. Being come to 50 degrees of latitude, they found a strait passing to the west, through which they arrived in India, and gave battle to the king of Cathaia, after which they returned to Rome. Whether this story may appear possible or not, true or false, I can only say that I give it as I found it written in the histories of these times.

In the year 100 after the incarnation of Christ, the emperor Trajan fitted out a fleet on the rivers Tigris and Euphrates, whence he sailed to the islands of Zyzara; and passing the straits of Persia, entered into the ocean, by which he sailed along the coast to India, till he came to the place where Alexander had been. He there took some ships which came from Bengal, and learned the state of the country from the mariners. But being in years, and weary of the sea, and because he found it difficult to procure necessaries for his army, he returned back to Assyria[40].

[40] Ziphilin. in vit. Traj.

After the Romans had subdued most part of the world, many notable discoveries were made. But then came the Goths, Moors, and other barbarous nations, who destroyed all A.D. 412, the Goths took the city of Rome. Thereafter the Vandals went out of Spain, and conquered Africa. In 450, Attila destroyed many cities in Italy, at which time Venice began; and in this age the Franks and Vandals entered into France. In 474, the empire of Rome was lost, and fell from the Romans to the Goths. In 560, the Lombards came into Italy. About this time the sect of the Arians prevailed greatly, and Merlin the English prophet flourished. In 611, the Mahometan sect sprung up, and the Moresco government, which invaded both Africa and Spain. By this it may appear that all the world was in a state of war, and all places so very tumultuous, that traffic and merchandize ceased, no nation daring to trade with another by sea or land; nothing remaining stedfast, neither in kingdoms, signories, religions, laws, arts, sciences, or navigation. Even the records and writings of these things were burnt and destroyed by the barbarous power of the Goths, who proposed to themselves to begin a new world, and to root out the memory and knowledge of all other nations.

Those who succeeded in the government of Europe, perceiving the great losses of the Christian world by want of traffic and the stoppage of navigation, began to devise a way of passing into India, quite different from the route of the Nile and the Red Sea, and much longer and more costly[41]. The goods of India were brought up the river Indus as far as it was navigable. They were then carried by land in caravans through the country of Parapomissus into the province of Bactria, and shipped on the river Oxus, which falls into the Caspian, and thence across that sea to the haven of Citracan, or Astracan, on the river Rha, or Volga. Thence up that river, and to the city of Novogrod, in the province of Resan, which now belongs to the great duke of Muscovy, in lat. 54° N. The goods were carried thence overland to the province of Sarmatia and the river Tanais or Don, which is the division between Europe and Asia. Being there loaded in barks, they were carried down the stream of that river into the Paulus Maeotis to the city of Caffa, anciently called Theodosia, which then belonged to the Genoese, who came thither by sea in galliasses , or great ships, and distributed Indian commodities through Europe.

[41] Ramusio, V. f. 372. p. 2

In the reign of Commodita, emperor of Armenia, a better course was provided for this traffic: The goods being transported by land from the Caspian, through the country of Hiberia, now Georgia, and thence by the Phasis into the Euxine, and to the city of Trebisond, they were thence shipped for the various parts of Europe[42]. It is recorded that Demetrius Nicanor determined, or actually began, to open a canal of above 120 miles in length between the Caspian and Euxine, for the greater convenience of the Indian trade. But he was slain by Ptolemy Ceraunos, and this famous enterprize fell to nothing[43].

[42] Strabo, I. 11.

[43] Plin. I. 6. c. 11.

All other ways being lost, by reason of the wars of the Turks, the spiceries of the Indian Islands, particularly of Java, Sumatra, and the city of Malacca, were carried up the river Ganges, in Bengal, to the city of Agra; thence they were carried by land to another city near the Indus, named Boghar, where they were discharged, because the city of Cabor, or Laor, the principal city of the Mogores, stands too far within the land. From thence they were carried to the great city of Samarcand in Bactria, in which the merchants of India, Persia, and Turkey met together with their several commodities, as cloth of gold, velvets, camblets, scarlet and woollen cloths, which were carried to Cathay and the great kingdom of China; whence they brought back gold, silver, precious stones, pearls, silk, musk, rhubarb, and many other things of great value.

In after times these merchandizes, drugs, and spiceries, were carried in ships from India to the Straits of Ormus, and the rivers Euphrates and Tigris, and were unladen at the city of Basora; from whence they were carried overland to Aleppo, Damascus, and Barutti; and there the Venetian galliasses, which transported pilgrims to the Holy Land, came and received the goods.

In the year 1153, in the time of the emperor Frederick Barbarossa, it is said there came to the city of Lubeck, in Germany, a canoe like a long barge, with certain Indians, who were supposed to have come from the coast of Baccalaos[44], which is in the same latitude with Lubeck. The Germans greatly wondered to see such a boat and strange people, not knowing whence they came, nor being able to understand their language, especially as there was then no knowledge of their country. Although the boat was small in comparison with the seas it had to cross, it is yet possible that it might have been conveyed by the winds and waves; for in our days the almadias of the negroes, which are very small boats, venture to navigate from Quiloa, Mosambique, and Sofala, around the Cape of Good Hope, even to the island of St Helena, a very small spot in the ocean, at a great distance from land.

[44] Newfoundland?

In the year 1300 after Christ, the great soldan of Cairo restored the trade of spiceries, drugs, and merchandize from India, by the Red Sea; at which time they unloaded the goods at the port of Judea[45], and carried them to Mecca; whence they were distributed by the Mahometan pilgrims[46], so that each prince endeavoured to increase the honour and profit of his own country. The soldans translated this trade to their own city of Cairo; whence the goods were carried to the countries of Egypt, Lybia, Africa, Tunis, Tremessen, Fez, Morocco, and Suz; and some of them were carried beyond the mountains of Atlas, to the city of Tombuto, and the kingdom of the Jalophos; till afterwards the Portuguese brought the Indian trade round the Cape of Good Hope to Lisbon, as we propose to shew more at large in a convenient place.

[45] Jidda.

[46] Leo Afric. Ramus. v. 1. f. 373.

A.D. 1344, Peter IV. reigned in Arragon, and the chronicles of his reign report that Don Lewis de Cerda, grandson of Don John de Corda, requested his aid to go and conquer the Canary Islands, which had been gifted to him by Pope Clement VI. a Frenchman. About this time, too, the island of Madeira is said to have been discovered by an Englishman named Macham; who, sailing from England into Spain with a lady whom he loved, was driven out of his course by a tempest, and arrived in a harbour of that island, now called Machico, after his name. The lady being oppressed with seasickness, Macham landed with her on the island, accompanied by some of his people; but in the mean time the ship weighed anchor and stood to sea, leaving them behind. On this the lady died of grief, and Macham, who was passionately fond of her, erected a chapel or hermitage on the island, which he named the chapel of Jesus, and there deposited her remains, engraving both their names and the cause of their coming to this place on a monumental stone. After this, he and his companions made a boat or canoe out of a large tree, and putting to sea without sails or oars, got over to the coast of Africa. The Moors among whom he arrived, considering their passage as miraculous, sent him to their king, who transmitted both him and his company to the king of Castile.

In 1395, while Henry III. reigned in Castile, in consequence of information given by Macham respecting this island, many persons of France and Castile were induced to attempt its discovery, and that of the Grand Canary. Those who went on this expedition were principally from Andalusia, Biscay, and Guipuscoa, who carried thither many men and horses; but I know not whether this was done at their own charge, or that of the king. But however that might be, these people seem to have been the first discoverers of the Canaries; where they took 150 of the islanders prisoners. There is some difference among authors respecting the time of this discovery, as some affirm that it did not take place till the year 1405.

SECTION II.

Summary of Portuguese Discoveries, from the Commencement of the Fifteenth Century, to the Discovery of America by Columbus [1].

[1] The only quotations used in this Section in the original translation by Hakluyt, are from the Asia of John de Barros, Decade 1. which it has not been deemed necessary to refer to here more particularly.--E.

According to the chronicles of Portugal, John I. went from Lisbon in 1415, attended by his sons Don Duarte, or Edward, Don Peter, and Don Henry, and other lords and nobles of his realm, into Africa, where he took the great city of Ceuta, which was one of the principal causes of extending the dominions of Portugal. After their return, Don Henry, the king's third [2] son, being then in Algarve, and desirous to enlarge the kingdom by the discovery of unknown regions, gave directions for discovering the coast of Mauritania; for in those days none of the Portuguese had ever gone beyond Cape Non, in lat. 29°. N.[3]. For the better accomplishment of this purpose, Don Henry prepared a fleet, and commanded the officers whom he employed to proceed in making discoveries to the south of that cape, which they did; but when they came to another cape, named Bajador, none of them dared for a long time to go beyond it, at which cowardice the prince was much displeased.

[2] It is singular that a Portuguese should not be more correct. Henry was the fifth son.--Clark.

[3] More accurately 28° 40'.--E.

In 1417, in the reign of John II. of Castile, and while his mother the lady Catharine was regent of the kingdom, Ruben de Bracamonte, the admiral of France, craved a grant of the Canary Islands, and the title of king, for his kinsman John de Betancourt; which being conceded, he departed from Seville with an armament to attempt the conquest. The principal motive of this enterprize was to make a perfect discovery of Madeira, of which Macham had before given so much information; yet he went to the Canaries, where he carried a friar named Mendo as bishop, who had received that dignity from Pope Martin V. He reduced Lan?erota, Fuerteventura, Gomera, and Ferro; whence he sent into Spain many slaves, and considerable quantities of honey, wax, camphire, hides, orchill, figs, dragons-blood, and other merchandize, of which he made good profit. This armament is said to have likewise discovered Porto Santo. The island first occupied by Betancourt was Lan?erota, where he built a castle of stone for the better defence of the new settlers.

In the year 1418, John Gonzales Zarco, and Tristram Vaz Teixera, gentlemen of the household to Don Henry, perceiving the great desire of their master to discover new countries, requested and obtained a bark to proceed to the coast of Africa; where they were overtaken by a violent tempest, and driven into a haven of the island now called Porto Santo, where they remained two years. In 1420, they discovered the island of Madeira, where they found the chapel, tomb, and stone on which Macham had engraved his name. Others write, that a Castilian had informed Don Henry of having made the discovery of Porto Santo; and that he sent Bartholomew Perestrello, John Gonzales Zarco, and Tristram Vaz Teixera, purposely in search of that island, according to the signs and directions indicated by the Castilian; and that these persons afterwards discovered Madeira in 1420, where they found the memorial and monument left by Macham the Englishman.

Betancourt, who begun the conquest of the Canaries, was slain in a war with the natives, leaving one Menante his heir; who afterwards sold the islands to one Peter Barba of Seville. But others say, that John de Betancourt went to France to procure reinforcements, to enable him to complete his conquests, and left the command of Lan?erota with his nephew; who, hearing nothing of his uncle, and being unable to continue the contest with the natives, sold the Canaries to Don Henry, for an estate in the island of Madeira.

It is related that, in 1424, Don Henry sent a squadron with some land forces, under Don Ferdinando de Castro, on purpose to make a conquest of these islands; but, being repulsed by the bravery of the natives, de Castro prudently desisted from the enterprize and returned home; and that Don Henry afterwards resigned his claim to these islands in favour of the crown of Castile. The Castilian writers, however, assert that both Don Henry and the king of Portugal refused to give up these islands, until the dispute was ended by the judgment of Pope Eugenius IV. who awarded them to the king of Castile. These islands, anciently called the Insulae Fortunatae, or Fortunate Islands, are seven in number, in lat. 28° N. where the longest day is thirteen hours, and the longest night the same. They are 200 leagues distant from the coast of Spain, and 18 leagues from the coast of Africa. The people were idolaters, and eat raw flesh for want of fire. They had no iron, but raised or tilled the ground with the horns of oxen and goats, for want of better implements of husbandry. Every island spoke a separate language, and many pagan customs prevailed among the natives; but now the Christian religion is planted among them. The commodities of these islands are wheat, barley, sugar, wine, and Canary-birds, which are much esteemed for the sweetness and variety of their song. In the island of Ferro they have no water but what proceeds in the night from a tree, encompassed by a cloud, whence water issues, and serves the whole inhabitants and cattle of the island[4].

[4] Opportunities will occur hereafter, in particular voyages, to discuss the circumstances of this wonderful tree.

In the year 1428, Don Pedro, the king's eldest [5] son, who was a great traveller, went into England, France, and Germany, and thence into the Holy Land and other places, and came home by Italy, through Rome and Venice. He is said to have brought a map of the world home with him, in which all parts of the earth were described, by which the enterprizes of Don Henry for discovery were much assisted. In this map the Straits of Magellan are called the Dragons-tail , and the Cape of Good Hope the Front of Africa , and so of the rest[6]. I was informed by Francis de Sosa Tavares, that in the year 1528, Don Fernando, the king's eldest son, shewed him a map which had been made 120 years before, and was found in the study of Alcobaza, which exhibited all the navigation of the East Indies, with the cape of Bona Speran?a, as in our latter maps; by which it appears that there was as much discovered, or more, in ancient times as now[7].

[5] Galvano is again mistaken. Edward or Duarte was the eldest son; Pedro the third .--Clark.

[6] Dr Vincent, in his Periplus, considers this as a copy of the map of Marco Polo, which was exhibited in the church of St Michael de Murano, at Venice.--Clark.

[7] Even if this were fact, it proves nothing, as the Cape of Good Hope must have been inserted merely by the fancy of the draughtsman.-- Clarke.--It may be added, that in 1528, it was no difficult matter to wrong date a forged map, on purpose to detract from the merit of the actual discoverers.--E.

Though attended with much trouble and expence, Don Henry was unwearied in prosecuting his plan of discoveries. At length Gilianes, one of his servants, passed Cape Bojador, a place terrible to all former navigators, and brought word that it was by no means so dangerous as had been represented, he having landed on its farther side, where he set up a wooden cross in memorial of his discovery.

In the year 1433 died John king of Portugal, and was succeeded by his eldest son Duarte or Edward. In 1434, Don Henry sent Alphonso Gonzales Balduja and Gillianes, who penetrated from Cape Bajador to another cape, where they found the country to be inhabited, and went forward to another point of land, whence they returned to Portugal. In 1438 king Duarte died, and his son Alphonso being young, the kingdom was governed during his minority by his uncle Don Pedro. In 1441, Don Henry sent out two ships under Tristan and Antonio Gonzales, who took a prize on the coast, and sailed to Cape Blanco, or the White Cape in lat. 20° N.[8]. From thence they brought home some Moors, from whom Don Henry learned the state of the country. Don Henry sent an account of these discoveries to Pope Martin, by one Fernan Lopez de Savado; and the Pope granted indulgences and everlasting pardon of sins to all who should die in attempting the discovery of the land of the infidels. In the year 1443, Don Henry commanded Antonio Gonzales to carry back the Moors to their own country, where they were ransomed for black Moors with curled hair, or negroes, and some gold; owing to which that place is now called Rio de Oro, or the Golden River, that thereby the desire of discovery might be the more increased. He sent soon afterward one named Nunnez Tristan, who discovered the islands of Arguin, who brought more slaves from thence to Portugal in 1444. One Lancarote, a groom of Don Henrys chamber, and three others, armed certain ships, with which they sailed along the coast to the islands of Garze, where they took 200 slaves, which were the first that were brought from thence to Portugal.

[8] More correctly in lat. 20° 54' N. There is another Cape Blanco in Morocco in lat. 33° 10' N. and this more southerly cape on the great desert is named Branca in our best charts.--E.

In 1445, Gonsalvo de Syntra, an esquire belonging to Don Henry, went captain of a bark into these parts; and landing on the coast, was taken by the natives, with six or seven of his people The place where he was cut off got the name of Angra de Gonsalvo de Syntra from him; and this was the first loss sustained by the Portuguese in their discoveries. In 1446, three caravels were sent out under Antonio Gonsales, Diego Aloizio, and Gomes Perez; who were ordered to refrain from going to Rio de Oro, to carry themselves peaceably to the natives, to traffic with them peaceably, and to endeavour to convert as many infidels as possible to Christianity; but in this they had no success. In the same year, Dennis Fernandes of Lisbon, an esquire to the king, entered upon these discoveries, more to acquire fame than for profit. In the course of his voyage he discovered the river Sanaga or Senegal, between 15 and 16 degrees of latitude[9]; and proceeding onwards, discovered Cape Verde, in 14 degrees[10], upon which he erected a wooden cross, and then returned, much elated at the success of his voyage. In 1447 Nunnez Tristan passed beyond Cape Verde to Rio Grande, and went beyond that river to another in twelve degrees[11]. He was here taken and slain, with eighteen other Portuguese, and the ship was brought home in safety by four or five of the crew who escaped the hands of the negroes.

[9] The mouth of the Senegal is in lat. 15° 45' N.--E.

[10] More correctly, 14° 45' N.--E.

[11] It is difficult to ascertain these two rivers: The Rio Grande here meant is properly named Gambia. The river in 12° N. may be the Casamansa, the Santa Anna, or the St Dominico: which last is exactly in 12° N. the two others a little farther north, and nearer the Gambia. --E.

In this year 1447, a Portuguese ship, in coming through the Straits of Gibraltar, was forced a great way to the westwards by a violent tempest, and came to an island having seven cities, the inhabitants of which spoke the Portuguese language, and they inquired of our mariners if the Moors still infested Spain, whence their ancestors had fled to avoid the distresses which occurred subsequent to the death of Don Roderigo, king of Spain. The boatswain of this ship brought home some of the sand from this island, and sold it to a goldsmith in Lisbon, who procured from it a good quantity of gold. Don Pedro, who then governed the realm, being made acquainted with this circumstance, caused the whole to be recorded in the house of justice[12]. Some think that this island belonged to what is now called the Antilles or New Spain; but though their reasons for this opinion are good, I omit them here, as not connected with my present purpose.

[12] This is one of the many palpable and clumsy fables which were advanced to defraud Columbus of the honour of having discovered the new world, and is even more ridiculous, if possible, than the voyages of Zeno, adverted to in our First Part.--E.

In the year 1449, King Alphonso granted license to his uncle, Don Henry, to colonize the A?ores, which had been formerly discovered. In the year 1458, this king went into Africa, where he took the town of Alca?er; and in the year 1461, he commanded Signior Mendez to build the castle of Arguin, in the island of that name, on the coast of Africa. In the year 1462, three Genoese gentlemen, of whom Antonio de Noli was the chief, the others being his brother and nephew, got permission from Don Henry to take possession of the Cape de Verde islands, which some believe to be those called Gorgades, Hesperides, and Dorcades, by the ancients. But they named them Mayo, Saint Jago, and Saint Philip, because discovered on the days of those saints. Some call them the islands of Antonio. In the year following, 1463, that excellent prince, Don Henry, died; having discovered, by his exertions, the whole coast of Africa, from Cape Non to the mountain of Sierra Liona, which is on this side of the line, in lat. 8° 30' N. where no man had been before.

In 1469, the king of Portugal let out the trade of Guinea, afterwards called the Minas, to Fernan Gomez, for five years, at the yearly rent of 200,000 rees[13]; and under the express condition that he was every year to discover 100 leagues farther along the coast of Africa to the south. In 1470, this king went into Africa, accompanied by his son Prince John, where he took the town of Arzila; and the inhabitants of Tangier having fled from fear, he took possession of it also. In the year 1471, John de St Aren and John de Scovar, under the orders of Fernan Gomez, continued the discovery of the coast of Guinea as far as St George del Mina, in lat. 5° N. and 2° W. long.; the coast from Cape Verde to Cape Palmas trending S.E. after which it goes to the east, with even a small northerly inclination for about twelve degrees of longitude. In 1472, one Fernando da Poo discovered the island now called after his name, beyond Cape Formosa, in lat. 3° 40' N. and about the same time the islands del Principe and St Thomas were discovered, the latter of which is situated under the equinoctial line. The firm land also was explored at the same time, all the way from the kingdom of Benin to Cape St Catherina, in lat. 1° 40' S. This last discovery was made by Sequetra, a person in the king's immediate service. Many suppose that then were these countries and islands discovered which had never been before known since the flood.

[13] Equal to L.138: 17: 9-1/4 d. English money.--Halk.

In the year 1480, the valiant King Don Alphonzo died, and was succeeded by his son Don John II. who, in 1481, gave orders to Diego d'Azambuxa to construct the castle of St George del Mina, on the African coast. In 1484, Diego Caon, a knight belonging to the court, discovered the coast as far as the river Congo, on the south side of the line, in seven or eight degrees of latitude[14], where he erected a stone pillar, with the royal arms and titles of Portugal, with the date of his discovery. He proceeded southwards from thence along the coast, all the way to a river near the tropic of Capricorn, setting up similar stone pillars in convenient places. He afterwards returned to Congo, the king of which country sent ambassadors by his ship into Portugal. In the next year, or the year following, John Alonzo d'Aveiro brought home from Benin pepper with a tail[15], being the first of the kind ever seen in Portugal.

[14] Only 6° 45' S.--E.

[15] Mr Clarke explains this as long pepper ; but besides that this by no means answers the descriptive name in the text, long pepper certainly is the production of the East Indies. The article here indicated was probably one of the many species, or varieties of the Capsicum; called Guinea pepper, Cayenne pepper, Bird pepper, and various other names. --E.

In 1487, King John sent Pedro de Covillan and Alphonzo de Payva, both of whom could speak Arabic, to discover India by land. They left Lisbon in the month of May, and took shipping in the same year at Naples for the island of Rhodes, and lodged there in the hotel of the Knights of St John of Jerusalem, belonging to Portugal. From thence they went to Alexandria and Cairo, and then along with a caravan of Moors to the haven of Toro. There they embarked on the Red Sea, and proceeded to Aden, where they separated; de Payva going into Ethiopia, while Covillan proceeded to India. Covillan went to the cities of Cananor and Calicut, and thence to Goa, where he took shipping for Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa. He thence sailed to Mosambique, and the cities of Quiloa, Mombaza, and Melinda, returning back to Aden, where he and Payva had formerly separated. Thence he proceeded to Cairo, where he hoped to have rejoined his companion; but he here learnt by letter from the king his master, that de Payva was dead, and he was farther enjoined by the king to travel into the country of Abyssinia[16] He returned therefore, from Cairo to Toro, and thence to Aden; and hearing of the fame of Ormuz, he proceeded along the coast of Arabia by Cape Razalgate to Ormuz. Returning from the Gulf of Persia to the Red Sea, he passed over to the realm of the Abyssinians, which is commonly called the kingdom of Presbyter John, or Ethiopia, where he was detained till 1520, when the ambassador, Don Roderigo de Lima, arrived in that country. This Pedro de Covillan was the first of the Portuguese who had ever visited the Indies and the adjacent seas and islands.

[16] In the original this is called the country of Prester or Presbyter John. We have formerly, in the First Part of this work, had occasion to notice the strange idea of a Christian prince and priest, who was supposed to have ruled among the pagan nations of eastern Tartary. Driven from this false notion, by a more thorough knowledge of Asia, the European nations fondly transferred the title of Prester John to the half Christian prince or Negus of the semi-barbarous Abyssinians. --E.

In the year 1490, the king sent Gonzalo de Sosa to Congo with three ships, carrying back with him the ambassador of the king of Congo, who had been brought over to Portugal in 1484, by Diego Caon. During his residence in Portugal, this ambassador and others of his company had been instructed in the Christian religion, and baptized. Gonzalo de Sosa died during the outward-bound voyage; and Ruy de Sosa, his nephew, was chosen to the command of the expedition in his stead. Arriving in Congo, the king of that country received them with much joy, and soon yielded himself and the greater part of his subjects to be baptized; to the infinite satisfaction of the Portuguese, who by these means converted so many infidels from paganism to Christianity.

SECTION III.

Summary of Discoveries made by the Spaniards and Portuguese, from the Era of Columbus, in 1492, to the year 1555 .

In the year 1492, when Don Ferdinand king of Castile[1] was engaged in the siege of Granada, he sent one Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, with three ships, for the discovery of Nova Spagna. This Columbus had first offered his service lot a western discovery to John king of Portugal, who refused to employ him. Being sufficiently furnished for his enterprize, Columbus set out from the town of Palos on the third of August 1492, having with him, as captains and pilots, Martin Alionzo Pinzon, Francis Martinez Pinzori, Vincent Yannes Pinzon, and Bartholomew Columbus his brother[2] with an hundred and twenty other persons in the three ships. Some persons affirm, that this was the first voyage which was ever conducted by the observation of latitudes[3]. They took the Canaries in their way, whence shaping their course for Cipango, or towards Japan, they were much amazed to find the sea all full of weeds, and with great fear arrived at the Antilles on the tenth day of October; the first island they descried, called Guanahany by the natives, they named San Salvador. This island is in 25° N. latitude. After that they found many islands, which they called the Princes. The savages of those parts call these islands by the name of Lucaios, having indeed several names for them, and they stand on the north side of the line, almost under the tropic of Cancer. The island of St James, or Jamaica, lies between the 16th and 17th degrees of northern latitude[4]. Thence they went to the island which the natives call Cuba, named Ferdinando by the Spaniards, after the king, which is in 22 degrees; from whence they were conducted by the Indians to another island called Hayti, named Isabella by the Spaniards, in honour of the queen of Castile, and afterwards Hispaniola, or Little Spain.

[1] Ferdinand was hereditary king of Arragon; but, by marrying Isabella, queen of Castile, had united the several monarchies of Spain, under one government. Ferdinand had no share whatever in the honour of sending out Columbus, the sole charge being defrayed by his consort, Isabella, hereditary queen of Castile and Leon; and who had even to borrow money for the purpose. The contemptuous notice of one Christopher Columbus, must be pardoned to the patriotic rivalry of a Portuguese.--E.

[2] Galvano is here inaccurate: It will be seen in the sequel, that Bartholomew Columbus did not accompany his brother in this voyage, being then in England.--E.

[3] It is certainly possible, that Columbus may have used that mode in his course to the Canaries: But as his run across the Atlantic was nearly on a parallel, he must have kept that part of his voyage by what is called dead reckoning, or by the log.--E.

[4] The middle of Guanahana is in lat. 24° 30' N. The centre of Jamaica in 18° 10' N. The latitudes of Galvano are generally inaccurate; and he never pretends to assign any longitudes whatever. The series, likewise, in which he arranges the discoveries of Columbus is very inaccurate. --E.

In that island the admirals ship was wrecked, and Columbus caused a fort to be constructed of her timbers and planks, in which he left Roderigo de Arana with a garrison of thirty-eight men, to learn the language and customs of the country. Columbus then returned to Spain, carrying with him samples of gold and pearls, and other productions of the country, with ten Indians, six of whom died on the voyage; the rest were brought to Spain and baptized. On their way home, Columbus touched at the A?ores; and on the fourth of March 1493, entered the port of Lisbon. This discovery gave much discontent to the king of Portugal. Immediately on his arrival, Columbus went into Castile, where he informed the king of his discoveries and of the dissatisfaction of the king of Portugal. On this he and his queen Isabella sent word of the recent discovery to Pope Alexander VI, at which information he and all the Italians were much astonished, as they marvelled that there should be any land besides what had been known to the Romans. Alexander made a grant of all these countries to the crowns of Castile and Leon, under condition that they should labour to extirpate idolatry, and establish the holy faith of Christ among the natives.

On the report of this discovery, so universal a desire of travelling arose among the Spaniards, that they were ready as it were to leap into the sea, that they might swim if possible to the newly discovered islands. After receiving the authority of the Pope, King Ferdinando sent Columbus a second time to the newly-discovered country, of which he made him admiral, giving him many other honours, and a particular coat of arms, having this motto,

For Castile and for Leon

A new world discovered Colon[A].

[A] Gomara, I. 1. c. 15.

Columbus set out on his second voyage to the Antilles on the 25th October 1493, taking his course from Cadiz, with seventeen ships and fifteen hundred men, accompanied by his brothers Bartholomew and Diego Columbus, with many other knights, gentlemen of the law, and priests; having chalices, crosses, and other rich religious ornaments, and with great power and dignity from the Pope. The tenth day after commencing their voyage, they reached the Canaries; and from thence, in twenty-five or thirty days, they sailed to the Antilles, the first island they saw being in 14° N. due west from Cape de Verd in Africa. They called this island Deseada[5], or the desired island , which is said to be 800 leagues from the Canaries. They afterwards discovered many more islands, which they called the Virgins, but which are named the Caribbee islands by the natives, from a nation of that name, who are bold warriors, and excellent marksmen with bows and arrows. They poison their arrows with the juice of a certain herb, and whoever is wounded with these is sure to die, biting himself like a mad dog. From thence they went to the principal island in these parts, named Boriquen by the natives, and St John by the Spaniards; and thence to Hispaniola, or Isabella, where they found all the men dead whom they had left on returning from the former voyage. Columbus left most of his people here to establish a colony, under the command of his brothers; and went with two ships to continue his discovery of Cuba and Jamaica. All these islands are between 16 and 20 degrees of northern latitude[6]. While the admiral was sailing in quest of discoveries, his brethren and those who were left in Hispaniola, were much incommoded by an insurrection among the savages; and Columbus went back to Spain, to give an account of his proceedings to the king and queen.

[5] Cape de Verd is in 14° 30' N. Deseada in 16° 30' N. a difference of two degrees of latitude. Dominica, in 15° 30' is the first land said to have been discovered by Columbus in his second voyage, in the authentic original narrative by his son, which will be found in the sequel.--E.

[6] Counting from Dominica to the north side of Cuba, between 15° 30' and 23° 15'.--E.

In January 1494, a congress of ambassadors from Spain and Portugal was held at Tordesillas, for the settlement of all disputes between the two countries respecting the new discoveries. The plenipotentiaries from Spain were Don Henry Henriques, Don John de Cardenas, and the Doctor Maldonado; those from Portugal, Ruy de Sosa, his son Don John, and the doctor Ayres de Almada. After some conference, these plenipotentiaries divided the world between the two crowns, by a meridian line drawn from north to south, 300 leagues to the west of the islands of Cape Verd, all to the east of this line being appropriated to Portugal, and all to the west to Spain; leaving, however, the liberty of navigation equally to both[7]. In 1495, John II. King of Portugal, died, and was succeeded by his cousin Emanuel.

[7] The negociators of the two crowns, as here related, seem to have been ignorant that this loose division of the globe gave the whole reciprocally to each of the parties.--E.

In the year 1496, a Venetian named John Cabota, or Gabota, went to England; and having acquired a knowledge of the new discoveries, and perceiving by the globe that the islands of the Antilles were almost in the same latitude with his own country, and lay much nearer to England than Spain and Portugal, he acquainted Henry VII. with this circumstance, and offered his services to make discoveries for the crown of England. Henry was much pleased with the proposal, and furnished him with two ships and three hundred men, with which he set sail in the spring of that year, and sailed west till he came in sight of land, in lat. 45°N. Whence he sailed northwards till he came into the latitude of 60 degrees, where the day is 18 hours long, and the night is very clear and bright. He there found the air very cold, with great islands of ice, and found no bottom with a line of 100 fathoms. From thence, finding the land turn eastwards, he coasted along it, discovering all the bay and river named Deseado[8], to see if it passed on to the other side of the land. Cabot afterwards sailed down the coast to the lat. of 38°N. though some people allege that he reached Cape Florida, in 25°N.

[8] The apparent object seems to have been in search of a passage to the East Indies by way of the north-west, a chimera long and anxiously sought after. It is needless to make any observations on these indistinct notices, as the voyage of Cabot will be afterwards given at full length.--E.

In the year 1497, Columbus was again sent out on discovery, with six ships furnished by the crown of Spain, and two others fitted out at his own expence. Sending his brother before, he sailed from Cadiz, taking his son Don Diego along with him. It was then reported, that he meant to take the island of Madeira, because he distrusted the Frenchmen, and therefore sent three ships thither; others say, that his object was for the Canaries. However this may be, he went with four ships to the Cape de Verd islands, whence he ran along a parallel, finding great rains and calms, and the first land he came to in the Antilles was an island in nine degrees of north latitude, called Trinidada,[9] which lies close to the main land. Here he entered the Gulf of Paria, and came out by the Bocca de Dragone, or Dragons-mouth. Holding his course westwards along the coast of Paria, he came to the islands called Los Testigos, or the Witnesses, beyond which is the island of Cubagua, where there is a great fishing for pearl-muscles, and where also there is a well of rock oil. Beyond that he came to the Frailes islands, named Roques, Aruba, and Cura?oa, and other small islands, along the coast of the main land, and to the point of land named Cabo de Vela, having discovered 200 leagues of coast. He thence crossed over the Caribbean Sea, directly north for Hispaniola, passing by the island Beata.

[9] The centre of Trinidada is in 10° 30'N. its S.W. point in 10° 12', and the N.E. cape in 10o 45' N.--E.

In this same year[10] 1497, on the 20th day of June[11], King Emanuel sent a squadron of three ships for India, commanded by one Vasques de Gama, having under his command his brother Paulus de Gama and Nicolas Coello, as captains of the other two ships, the whole having a complement of 120 men. They were accompanied by a fourth ship laden with provisions. In fourteen days they reached the island of St Jago, one of the Cape Verds, whence they went along the coast beyond the Cape of Good Hope, erecting pillars of stone in proper places, as marks of discovery and possession, and came to Mosambique in lat. 15° S. After staying only a short time there, de Gama went to Mombaza and Melinda, the king of which last place gave him pilots, who conducted him to India, in which passage he discovered Los Baxos do Padua, or the Flats of Padua. In the month of May 1498, de Gama came to anchor before the city of Calicut, and Panama [12], where they remained till the first day of September, when they sailed towards the north, discovering all the coast till they came to the island of Angediva, on the western side of India, in 15° N. where they came to an anchor in the beginning of October. They remained here till February 1499, when they departed on their voyage homewards; coming first to Melinda, and so by Mosambique and along the coast to the Cape of Good Hope, and by the islands of Cape de Verd, and lastly to the city of Lisbon, in September of that year, having been absent on their voyage for twenty- six months.

[10] De Barros, Dec. I. 1. 4. c. 2. and to the end of ch. 11.--Hakl.

[11] Osorius says this voyage commenced on the 9th of July.--Clark.

[12] This Panama seems a blunder of some ignorant copyist, for Panarame. --E.

On the 13th of November 1499, Vincent Yannez Pinzon, who had sailed with Columbus in his first voyage of discovery, and his nephew Aries Pinzon, departed from the port of Palos with four well appointed ships, fitted out at their own cost, having a license from the king of Spain to prosecute discoveries in the new world, but with express orders not to touch anywhere that had been visited by Columbus. Going first to the islands of Cape de Verd, they passed the line and stood over towards the new world, which they fell in with at Cape St Augustine, in lat. 8° 30' S. where they carved on the barks of trees the date of their arrival, and the names of the king and queen of Spain. They had several skirmishes with the inhabitants of Brazil, but got no advantage. Following the coast westwards[13], they entered the river named Maria Tambal, by which time they had made above thirty prisoners. The chief places where they touched were Cape St Augustine, Cape St Luke, Tierra de los Humos; the rivers of Marannon and of the Amazons, and the Rio Dolce, or Sweet river[14], and other places along the coast. At last, being come to 10° N. they lost two of their ships with their crews, and returned home, after having employed ten months and fifteen days in their voyage.

[13] The coast here is nearly N. and S. and their course must have been to the north.--E.

[14] The Marannon and Amazons are the same river. Perhaps by the Rio Dolce the Orinoco may be meant; but in these slight notices of discovery it is impossible at times to ascertain the real positions, through the alteration of names.--E.

In March 1500, Pedro Alvarez Cabral sailed from Lisbon with thirteen ships for India, being ordered not to go near the coast of Africa, that he might shorten the voyage. Losing sight of one of his ships, he deviated from his course in hopes to rejoin it, and sailed till he unexpectedly fell in with the coast of Brazil, where he sent a bark in, search of a safe harbour, which they found in 17° S. and called it Puerto Seguro. From thence they made sail for the Cape of Good Hope and Melinda, whence they crossed over to the river of Cochin, which was not before known. Here they loaded with pepper; and on their return Sancho de Thovar discovered the city of Sofala, on the eastern coast of Africa.

It is reported, that in the year 1500, one Gaspar Cortereal got a general license from King Emanuel to make discoveries in the new world. He fitted out two stout ships at his own cost, from the island of Tercera, and sailed to that part of the new world which is in 50° N. which has been since known by his name, and came home in safety to Lisbon. In a second voyage, his own immediate vessel was lost, and the other came home. Upon this, his brother Michael Cortereal went to seek him with three ships, fitted out at his own charges; and finding many creeks and rivers on the coast, the ships divided for the more effectual search, agreeing that they should all meet again at an appointed time and place. The other two ships did so; but after waiting a reasonable rime for Michael Cortereal, it was concluded that he was also lost, on which the other two ships returned to Lisbon, and no news was ever afterwards heard of the two brothers; but the country where they were lost is still called the land of Cortereal[15].

[15] From the latitude indicated by Galvano, the land of Cortereal may have been somewhere on the eastern side of Newfoundland.--E.

In March 1501, John de Nova sailed from Lisbon with four ships for India. In his outward-bound voyage he discovered an island in the Atlantic, in lat. 8° S. to which he gave the name of Ascension[16]. On his return from India, he fell in with another island in the Atlantic in 17° S. called St Helena, which, though very small, is yet of great importance from its situation. In the month of May of the same year 1501, three ships were sent from Lisbon by King Emanuel, to make a discovery of the coast of Brazil, which had been accidentally fallen in with, by Cabral: Passing by the Canaries, they stopped for refreshments at the town of Bezequiche in the Cape Verds; and passing southwards from thence beyond the line, they fell in with Brazil in five degrees of south latitude, at Cape St Roquo, and sailed along the coast southwards, till they reckoned themselves to have reached 32° S. Finding the weather cold and tempestuous, they turned back in the month of April 1502, and got to Lisbon In September of that year, having been out fifteen months on their voyage.

[16] Barros, Dec. 1. I. 5. c. 10.

In the same year 1502, Alfonso Hojeda went to discover the Terra Firma, and followed its coast till he came to the province of Uraba I7. In 1503, Roderigo Bastidas of Seville went with two caravels at his own cost, to the Antilles, where he first came to the Isla Verde, or the Green island, close by Guadaloupe; whence he sailed westwards to Santa Martha and Cape do la Vela, and to the Rio Grande or Great river. He afterwards discovered the haven of Zamba, the Coradas, Carthagena, the islands of S. Bernard de Baru, the Islas de Arenas, Isla Fuerta, and the Point of Caribana, at the end of the Gulf of Uraba, where he had sight of the Farrallones, close by the river of Darien. From Cape de la Vela to this last place, which is in lat. 9° 40' N. is 200 leagues. From thence he stood over to Jamaica for refreshments. In Hispaniola he had to lay his ships on the ground to repair their bottoms, because a certain species of worms had eaten many holes in the planks. In this voyage Bastidas procured four hundred marks [18] of gold; though the people were very warlike, and used poisoned arrows.

[17] Gomara, I. 2.

[18] About 8200 ounces, worth about L. 16,000 sterling; equal in modern efficacy, perhaps, to L. 100,000.--E.

In the same year 1502, Columbus entered upon his fourth voyage of discovery, with four ships, taking with him his son Don Ferdinando. The particular object of this voyage, by command of King Ferdinand, was to look out for the strait which was supposed to penetrate across the continent of the new world, and by which a route to India by the west was expected to be discovered. He sailed by Hispaniola and Jamaica to the river Azua, Cape Higueras, the Gamares islands, and to Cape Honduras, which signifies the Cape of the Depths. From thence he sailed eastwards to Cape Garcias a Dios, and discovered the province and river of Veragua, the Rio Grande, and others, which the Indians call Hienra. Thence to the river of Crocodiles, now called Rio de Chagres, which rises near the South Sea, within four leagues of Panama, and runs into the Caribbean Sea. He went next to the Isle of Bastimentos, or of Provisions, and after that to Porto Bello; thence to Nombre de Dios and Rio Francisco, and the harbour of Retreat. Then to the Gulf of Cabesa Cattiva, the islands of Caperosa and Cape Marmora; having discovered two hundred leagues along the coast. He thence returned to the island of Cuba, and from that to Jamaica, where he laid his ships aground, on account of their bottoms being much eaten by the worms.

On the tenth of February 1S02, Don Vasques de Gama, now admiral, sailed from Lisbon for India, with nineteen or twenty caravels. On the last day of February he reached Cape de Verd, whence he went to Mosambique, and was the first who crossed over from thence to India. In this passage he discovered the islands of Amirante, in four degrees of south latitude. Having taken in a cargo of pepper and drugs, de Gama returned to Lisbon, leaving Vincent Sodre to keep the coast of India, with four stout ships. These were the first of the Portuguese who navigated the coast of Arabia Felix, which is so barren, that the inhabitants are forced to support their camels and other cattle on dried fish. The sea on that coast is so abundant in fish, that the cats are in use to take them. One Antonio de Saldania is reported to have discovered Socotora, formerly named Coradis, and the Cape of Guardafu in 1503.

In 1504, Roderigo de Bastidas, formerly mentioned, with the aid of John de Ledesma, and others of Seville, fitted out two ships, and taking John de Cosa as his pilot, went on discovery to the Terra Firma of America, where Carthagena now stands. He is said to have here met with Lewis de la Guerra, and they in conjunction landed in the island of Codego, where they made prisoners of 600 savages. Going a little farther along the coast, they entered the Gulf of Uraba, where they found sand mingled with gold, being the first of that kind which was brought to Spain. From thence they sailed for St Domingo, loaded with slaves, but almost famished for want of victuals, as the natives refused to traffic with them for any. In the end of this year Isabella, queen of Castile, died. While she lived, no subject of Arragon, Catalonia, Valencia, or any other of the provinces, depending on her husband King Ferdinand, was allowed to sail to any of the newly-discovered countries; but only her own subjects of Castile and Biscay, by whom all these lands were discovered; excepting only such of her husbands subjects as might be in a servile capacity to her own, or a few that could procure special licenses.

In 1505, on the twenty-fifth of March, Francisco de Almeida, the viceroy of India, sailed from Lisbon with a fleet of twenty-two sail. On his way to India, he stopped at Quiloa, where he built a fort, appointing Peter Fereira to command it. From beyond Melinda he passed over to the island of Anguediva, of which he appointed Emanuel Passavia to be captain. He built a fort also at Cananor, of which he gave the command to Laurence de Brito; and one at Cochin, which was given in charge to Alphonso de Noronha. This year likewise, Peter de Anahay built a fort at Sofala, of which he was made captain. In the latter end of this year the viceroy commanded his son Lauren?o to go to the islands of Maldivia. Beating up against contrary winds, he arrived at these islands which in ancient times were called Tragan?[19], but Ytterubenero by the Moors, and by us Ceilan. Here he went on shore, and entered into treaty with the people, and returned to Cochin. In the middle of this island there is a high rock, having the print of a mans foot, said to have been that of Adam when he ascended to heaven, which the Indians hold in great reverence.

[19] Probably an error for Taprobana; the same by which Ceylon was known to the ancients.--E.

In 1506, after the death of Isabella, King Philip and Queen Joan came to take possession of the crown of Castile, and. King Ferdinand retired into his own dominions of Arragon. In that same year Philip died, and Ferdinand resumed the government, giving license to all Spaniards to go to the new discovered countries; but not allowing the Portuguese to go there. In this year, likewise, Christopher Columbus died, in the month of May, and was succeeded in his dignities by his son Don Diego.

In March 1506, Tristan de Acunha and Alphonso de Albuquerque went to India with fourteen ships, and refreshed by the way at Bezequiche, in the Cape de Verd islands. Before reaching the Cape of Good Hope they discovered certain islands, in 37° S. which are now called the islands of Tristan de Acunha. During this voyage, the fleet was dispersed by a tempest, and Alvaro Teliz ran so far that he came to Sumatra, whence he returned to Cape Guardafu, having discovered many islands, seas, and countries, not known before that time to the Portuguese. At the same time, Emanuel Telez de Meneses was driven on the outside of the great island of St Lawrence, or Madagascar, and having surveyed its coasts, came to Mosambique, where he met with Tristan de Acunha, who was the first captain that wintered there. Meneses, having reported that there was plenty of ginger, cloves, and silver in Madagascar, was sent back there, and traversed a considerable part of the island; but not finding any thing of value, returned to Mosambique, whence he went to Melinda, and Brava, and thence to Socotora, where he built a fort, of which he appointed one Antonio de Noronha to be captain. In 1507, Tristan de Acunha returned to Europe, and Alphonso de Albuquerque remained in India with five or six ships, to keep the command of the sea. In the course of that year or the next, Albuquerque stood over to discover the coast of Arabia, which he explored, and doubled the Cape of Rosalgate, which is under the tropic of Cancer.

In 1509, Diego Lopez de Sequiera went from Lisbon for India with four ships; and stopping at the island of Madagascar was almost a year on his voyage. Arriving at Cochin in the month of May, the viceroy gave him another ship, in which he went to Malacca in September passing between the islands of Nicubar and many others. He went also to Sumatra; to the cities of Pedir and Pacem; and all along that coast to the island of Puloreira, and the fiats of Capacia; thence he stood over to the city of Malacca, in lat. 2° N. where the people took and slew some of his men. After this he returned to Cochin, having discovered five hundred leagues in this voyage. The island of Sumatra is the first land in which we knew of mens flesh being eaten, by certain people in the mountains called Bacas, who gild their teeth. In their opinion the flesh of the blacks is sweeter than that of the whites. The flesh of the oxen, kine, and hens in that country is as black as ink. A people is said to dwell in that country, called Daraqui-Dara , having tails like sheep[20]. There are likewise springs of rock oil or bitumen. In the kingdom of Pedir, likewise, there is said to be a river of oil; which is not to be wondered at, as we are assured there is also a well of oil in Bactria. It is further said that there is a tree in that country, the juice of which is a strong poison if it touch a mans blood; but if drank, it is a sovereign antidote against poison. They have here also certain gold coins, called drachms, brought, as they say, into their country by the Romans[21], which seems to have some resemblance to truth, because beyond that country there are no gold coins.

[20] The Cakerlaka of other writers, which can only be large monkeys or baboons, called men with tails, through ignorance or imposture.--E.

[21] Rumi still continues the eastern name of the Turkish empire, as the successor of the Roman emperors, in Assyria and Egypt. Hence these Roman gold coins may have come in the way of trade from Assyria or Egypt, or may possibly have been Venetian sequins.--E.

In 1508, Alphonso de Hojeda went with the license of King Ferdinand, but at his own charges, to conquer the province of Darien, in the Terra Firma of the new world. Landing in the country of Uraba, he called it Castilia del Oro, or Golden Castile, because of the gold found in the sand along its coast. He went first from the city of San Domingo, in Hispaniola, with four ships and three hundred soldiers, leaving behind him the bachelor Anciso, who afterwards compiled a book of these discoveries. He was followed by a fourth ship with provisions and ammunition, and a reinforcement of 150 Spaniards. Hojeda landed at Carthagena, where the natives took, slew, and devoured seventy of his men, by which his force was much weakened. Some time after but in the same year, Diego de Niquesa fitted out seven ships in the port of Beata, intending to go to Veragua with 800 men; but coming to Carthegana, where he found Hojeda much weakened by his losses, they joined their forces, and avenged themselves of the natives. In this voyage Niquesa discovered the coast called Nombre de Dios, and went into the sound of Darien, on the river Pito, which he named Puerto de Misas. Coming to Veragua, Hojeda went on shore with his soldiers, and built there the town of Caribana, as a defence against the Caribbees; being the first town built by the Spaniards on the continent of the new world. He also built another at Nombre de Dios, and called it Nuestra Seniora de la Antigua. A town was built at Uraba, in which Francis Pisarro was left with the command, who was there much annoyed by the natives. They likewise built other towns, the names of which I omit. In this enterprize the Spaniards did not meet with the success they expected.

In 1509, Don Diego Columbus, the second admiral of New Spain, went to the island of Hispaniola with his wife and household; and she, being a noble woman, carried with her many ladies of good families, who were there married; by which means the Spaniards began to multiply in their new colony, and Hispaniola became famous and much frequented. Columbus likewise reduced Cuba into order, and took measures for its colonization, where he placed one Diego Velasques as his lieutenant, who had accompanied his father in his second voyage of discovery.

In April 1511, Alphonso de Albuquerque went to Malacca from Cochin; and finding certain Chinese about to return from Malacca into their own country, he sent a Portuguese along with them, named Duarte Fernandes, with letters for the king of the Mantias, now called Siam. They passed through the Straits of Cincapura, and sailed northwards along the coast of Patane to the city of Cuy, and thence to Odia, the chief city of the kingdom, in 14° N.[22]. The king of this country received Duarte with great honour, as he was the first Portuguese who had been in these parts, and sent back ambassadors along with him to Albuquerque. They travelled overland to the westwards, till they came to Tanacerim, on the Bay of Bengal, in 12° N. where they embarked in two ships and sailed to Malacca. The inhabitants of Siam, through which they travelled, eat of all kinds of beasts, and even of what we repute to be vermin. The people of this country are reputed the most virtuous and honest of any in those parts of the world, and pride themselves much on their poverty and chastity; yet have a strange practice of carrying round bells within their foreskins, which is not permitted to the king and priests. They do not rear any poultry or pigeons about their houses. The kingdom is 250 leagues in length and 80 in breadth[23].

[22] The author must here mean Cochin China by the coast of Patane.--E.

[23] About 1000 by 320 English miles.--E.

Elephants are so numerous in this country, that on going to war, the king is said to carry 30,000 into the field, besides others which are left in the several garrisons. This king has great pride in the possession of a white elephant, having red eyes, which glare like a flame of fire. In this country there is a certain species of small vermin, which attaches itself to the trunks of the elephants, to suck their blood, by which many elephants die. The skull of this insect[24] is so hard as to be impenetrable to a musket shot. They have on their livers the figures of men and women, which the natives call Toketa, resembling a mandrake; and it is affirmed, that whoever has one of these about him cannot be killed by an iron weapon. They have also wild kine in this country, in the heads of which certain stones are found, which have the virtue to bring good fortune to merchants.

[24] This story of the skull of a small insect is quite unintelligible, and must have been misunderstood entirely by Hakluyt, the translator: It is the Elephant, probably, that is here meant.--E.

After the return of Duarte Fernandes from Siam, Albuquerque sent a knight named Ruy Nunnez de Acunha, as ambassador to the king of the Sequies, the country we now call Pegu. He went in a junk of the country, passing Cape Rachado, and thence to the city of Pera, on the river Salano, on which river are many other villages, where Duarte had been before; and he afterwards went by Tana?erim to the city of Martavan, in 15° N. and the city of Pegu in 17° N. This was the first Portuguese who travelled in that kingdom, and who brought back a good account of the country and people.

In the end of 1511, Albuquerque sent three ships to the islands of Banda and Molucca, under command of Antonio de Breu and Francis Serrano, with an hundred and twenty men. Passing through the Straits of Saban, and along the island of Sumatra, and other islands on their left, named the Salites, they came to the islands of Palimbang and Lu-Suparam, whence they sailed by the noble island of Java, and eastwards between it and the island of Madura. In this last island the men are strong and warlike, and care little for their lives, even their women going out to war. These people are almost continually engaged in war and mutual slaughter, like the Mocos, and seem to place their only delight in bloodshed. Beyond Java they came to another island called Bali, and afterwards to Avajave, Sambaba, Solor, Galao, Malva, Vitara, Rosalanguin, and Arus; whence are brought beautiful birds, in much estimation on account of their feathers[25]. Beyond these islands they came to numbers of others, lying in 7 or 8 degrees of south latitude, all so close together as to appear like one entire mainland, and stretching near 500 leagues in length. The ancient cosmographers describe all these islands by one general name, the Javos ; but more recent knowledge has found that they have all separate names. Beyond these, and more to the north, there are other islands, which are inhabited by a whiter people, clothed in shirts, doublets, and trowsers, something like the Portuguese dress, and who also have silver money. Their magistrates carry red staves in their hands, as badges of command, and seem to have some affinity in this respect with the people of China. There are other islands in these parts, or which the inhabitants are red; and it is reported they are the same people with the Chinese.

[25] Probably the bird of Paradise.--Clark.

De Breu went northwards to the small island of Gumnape or Ternate, from the highest part of which flakes or streams like fire fell continually into the sea. He went thence to the islands of Burro and Amboyna, and came to anchor in the haven of Guliguli, where, in a village near a river, they found dead men hanging up in the houses, as the people are cannibals. Here they burnt the ship of Serrano, as she was old and rotten; and going to a place on the other side of the island, in 8° S. they loaded cloves, nutmegs, and mace, in a junk or barque, which Serrano bought. It is said, that in an island not far from Banda, there are immense quantities of snakes, especially in a cave in the centre of the island. The same is said of Formentera, in the Mediterranean, anciently Ophiusa, between Majorca and Minorca. On their return from Banda towards Malacca, in 1512, Francis Serrano perished with his junk on the flats called Baxos de Lu?apinho, nine or ten of the Portuguese crew escaping to the island of Mindanao, who were sent for by the kings of the Moluccas. These were the first of the Portuguese who came to the Islands of Cloves, which are in lat. 1° N. and they remained there seven or eight years. Some Portuguese and princes of the Moors once endeavoured to go near that part of the isle of Ternate which throws out fire, but could not accomplish it. But Antonio Galvano accomplished this enterprise, and found a spring so cold that he could not bear his hand in the water, nor suffer any of it in his mouth, though almost directly under the line.

In these Molucca islands, there are certain men who have spurs on their ancles like cocks; and I was told by the king of Tidore, that in the islands of Batochina, there are people with tails, who have a lactiferous nipple on the scrotum. There are small hens also in these parts, many of which are black in the flesh, and lay their eggs, larger than those of ducks, in holes above nine feet under ground. They have likewise hogs with horns, and excellent talking parrots, which they call Noris . There is also a river so very hot that it takes off the skin of any living creature that bathes in its waters, and yet contains living fish. Their crabs are very sweet to eat, yet their claws are so strong that they will break the iron of a pickax; and there are small hairy crabs in the sea which are rank poison, as whoever eats of them immediately dies. In these seas are certain oysters, called Bras , having shells of so great size, that they might serve as fonts for baptizing children. In these seas there are certain living stones, which grow and increase like plants, of which excellent lime may be made by burning in the usual manner, when taken fresh from the sea; but, if allowed to remain long in the air, it loses all its strength, and will not afterwards burn into line. There is a tree which bears flowers only at sunset, which fell off immediately when blown. There is likewise a certain fruit, whereof if a woman who has conceived shall eat, the child by and by moves. There is, farther, a certain herb which followeth the sun, and removes after it, which is a strange and marvellous thing.

In 1512, while on the voyage from Malacca to Goa, the ship in which Albuquerque embarked was lost. Simon de Andrada and a few Portuguese were driven among the Maldivia islands, where they remained till they learnt the fate of the viceroy. These islands are low, small, and very numerous, and are full of palm trees, or Cocoas , which are good against all kinds of poison.

In this year 1512, John de Solis, a native of Lisbon, and chief pilot to King Ferdinand, went from Spain by license to discover the coast of Brazil. Following the course of the Pinsons, he went to Cape St Augustine, and thence sailed along the whole coast to the harbour of De Lagoa; and in lat. 35° S. he discovered a river called Parana-gua?u, or the Great River, and from signs of silver he gave it the name of Rio de la Plata, or the River of Silver. It is even said that he went farther at this time; and returning into Spain, gave an account of his discovery to King Ferdinand, from whom he demanded and obtained leave to colonize the country, and received the appointment of governor. On this he provided three ships, and returned to that country in 1515, but was slain by the natives. The family of de Solis produced several great discoveries in these parts[26].

[26] P. Martyr, Dec. 3. c. 10.

In the same year 1512, John Ponce de Leon, who had been governor of the island of St John in the Antilles, armed two ships, with which he went in search of the island of Boyuca, where it was reported there was a spring which made old men young again; but after searching for six months he could not find it. In 25° N. he discovered a point of the continent upon Easter-day, which he called the country of Florida; and because he expected the land would yield gold and silver, he begged it from King Ferdinand, but died in the discovery of the country, as many had done before.

In the year 1513, Vasco Nunnes de Valboa, or Balboa, hearing of the South Seas , determined to go thither; and being a man of courage, though strongly dissuaded by several of his company, he marched on the enterprize with 290 men. Leaving Darien on the first of September, and taking some Indians along with him as guides, he marched directly across the isthmus, sometimes without opposition, and having at other times to fight his way. In a certain place called Careca, he found some negroes with curled hair, who were captives among the Indians. At length, on the 25th of the same month of September, being the festival of St Michael, he came in sight of the South Sea: He there embarked in a canoe, much against the will of Chiapes , the cacique of that part of the coast, who endeavoured to persuade him that the navigation was very dangerous; but he persisted in his design, that he might be the first who had navigated this new discovered sea, and came back in safety. He returned thence to Darien, bringing with him a good store of gold, silver, and pearls, which he had taken during the march; and for this good service, he was much honoured and favoured by King Ferdinand.

In February 1513, Alphonsus de Albuquerque went from Goa towards the Straits of Mecca with twenty ships, and arriving at the city of Aden, battered it with his cannon, and passing the Straits entered the Red Sea, and wintered at the island of Camaran. This was the first Portuguese captain who gave an account of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, which are of great importance in regard to trade.

In May 1514, Pedro Arias de Avila was sent out from St Lucar, as governor of Castilia del Oro, or the Golden Castile, for so the Spaniards named the countries of Darien, Carthagena, and Uraba. He carried with him fifteen hundred men and seven ships; and Vasco Nunnes de Balboa, who discovered the South Seas, was sent out at the same time as admiral of the coasts of that newly discovered sea. In the beginning of the year 1515, de Avila sent Gaspar Morales with 150 men to the Gulf of St Michael, to discover the islands of Tararequi[27], Chiapes, and Tumaccus. A cacique, the friend of Balboa, gave him many canoes, or boats made of one tree, with which they passed to the Isle of Pearls, where they were at first resisted; but Chiapes and Tumaccus pacified the cacique of that island, who submitted himself, and received baptism, taking the name of the governor, Pedro Arias, and presented Morales with a basket of pearls weighing 110 pounds, some of which were as large as hazel nuts, weighing 20, 25, 26, and even 31 carats, each of four grains; and one of these pearls was sold for 1200 ducats. In March 1515, de Avila sent Gonsalva de Badajos, with 80 soldiers, to discover new lands, who went to Nombre de Dios, where he was joined by Lewis de Mercado with a reinforcement of 50 men. They resolved to proceed to the south, as the richest country; and taking some Indians as guides, they found some slaves along the coast marked with the irons used by the Portuguese. They marched a considerable way through the country with much difficulty, but made a considerable booty in gold, and took forty serviceable slaves. But a ca?ique, named Pariza, attacked them and slew or took most of the party. After this the governor sent out his son, John Arias de Avila, to be revenged and to explore the country. This party went westwards to Cape de Guerra, in little more than 6° N. and thence to Punta de Borica, and to Cape Blanco, in 8° 30' N. having, as they affirm, discovered 250 leagues; and besides this they founded the city of Panama.

[27] The island of Tararequi is in lat. 5° N.

In the month of May 1515, Alphonsus de Albuquerque, the Portuguese viceroy of India, sent Fernando Gomes de Limos from Ormus, as ambassador to the Xec or Shah Ismael, king of Persia; and it is said they travelled 300 leagues through a country as pleasant as France. This Xec, or Shah Ismael, went much a-hunting, and was fond of trout fishing, which are abundant in the rivers of his kingdom. The women of Persia are the most beautiful in the world; insomuch that Alexander the Great used to call them the golden-eyed women . In this year died the viceroy Alphonsus de Albuquerque, who was succeeded by Lopez Suares.

In 1516, Fernando Perez de Andrada was commanded by the king of Portugal to pass to the great kingdom of China and likewise to Bengala, with a dispatch to John Coelo, who was the first Portuguese who drank of the waters of the Ganges. In April 1517, Andrada took in a loading of pepper at Cochin, as the principal merchandize for sale in China, for which country he sailed with eight ships, four Portuguese and four Malayans. On his arrival in China, finding he could not be allowed to land without an embassy, he dispatched Thomas Perez, with instructions for that purpose, from the city of Canton, where they came to anchor. The embassy travelled 400 leagues by land to the city of Pekin, where the king resided; for China is the largest kingdom in the world. From Sailana in the south, which is in 20° N. it reaches to the latitude almost of 50° N. which must be 500 leagues in length, and it is said to be 300 leagues in breadth[28]. Fernando Perez was fourteen months in the isle of Veniaga, endeavouring to acquire as much knowledge as he could of the country; and although one Raphael Perestrello had formerly been there, in a junk belonging to some merchants of Malacca, yet Perez certainly deserves the merit of this discovery; as well because he acted by the command of the king his master, as in discovering so much by land by means of Thomas Perez, and by sea through George Mascarenhas, who sailed to the city of Foquiam, in 24° N.

[28] These leagues are elsewhere explained as 17-1/2 to the degree, or about 4 English miles: Hence the estimate of Galvano is 2000 miles long by 1200 miles broad; certainly a very extensive dominion. China Proper may be said to extend in length from lat. 27° to 41° N. and in breadth from long. 97° to 121° E. not very inferior to the above estimate; but including the immeasurable bounds of its dependencies, Chinese Tartary, Thibet, and almost the whole of central Asia, it prodigiously exceeds the magnitude here assigned by Galvano.--E.

In the year 1517, in which Charles, afterwards emperor, came into Spain, Francis Fernandes de Cordova, Christopher Morantes, and Lopez Ochoa, armed three ships from Cuba, at their own expence, having also with them a barque belonging to the governor Diego Velasques, with which they came to land in Jucutan, in 20° N. at a place which they called Punta de las Duennas, which was the first place in which temples and houses of stone and lime had been seen in the new world. The people here, who were better clothed than in any other place, had crosses which they worshipped, and set upon the tombs of their dead, whence it appeared as if they had formerly been in the faith of Christ; and some suppose that this had been the situation of the seven cities . In this expedition they were upon the north coast of Jucutan, being the first discovery of New Spain, or Mexico; and they returned thence to Cuba with some samples of gold, and some prisoners.

In the year 1518[29], Lopez Suares commanded Don John de Silveira to go and make peace with the Maldive islands, which he did accordingly. From thence Silveira went to the city of Chatigam, or Chittigong, on one of the mouths of the Ganges, under the tropic of Cancer; for it is to be noted, that this river, and the Indus, which lies 100 leagues beyond Diu, and the river of Canton in China, all fall into the sea under one parallel of latitude. Although, before this period, Fernando Perez had been commanded to sail to Bengal, yet Silveira must be looked upon as the actual discoverer of that country; for he went as captain-general, and remained there long, making himself acquainted with the manners of the people, and the commodities of the country.

[29] Castagnada, I. 4. c. 36. 37. Osorius, I. 11. f. 315. p. 2.

In the same year 1518[30], Diego Velasquez, governor of the island of Cuba, dispatched his nephew, John de Grisalva, on the first of May, with four ships and two hundred soldiers, to discover Jucutan. On the 3d of May, he fell in with the island of Cozumel, in 19° north latitude, which he named Santa Cruz, because discovered on the 3d of May, being the anniversary of the holy cross. Grisalva coasted along the land, on the west side of the bay of Honduras, and came to an island, which he named Ascension, because discovered on Ascension day. They went unto the end of that island, in 16° of latitude, whence they came back, finding no passage[31], and proceeded to a river in lat. 17° N. which they called the river of Grisalva. They were boldly opposed by the people on this coast; yet they brought thence some gold, silver, and feathers, and returned to Cuba. In the same year, Francis Garay fitted out three ships from Jamaica at his own expence, and went to Cape Florida, in lat. 25° N. which seemed a most pleasant island; and thinking it better to people islands than the firm land, because more easily conquered and kept under subjection, he went on land; but the inhabitants of Florida killed a great many of his people, and he was forced to re-embark and go away. Sailing from thence he came to the river of Panuco, 500 leagues from Cape Florida, sailing all the way along the coast, and endeavouring to land in various places, but the natives repulsed him in every place. Many of his people were killed and eaten by the savages in Chila, the natives hanging up their skins in the temples of their gods, as a memorial of their own valour. Yet Garay visited this place next year, as he had seen some indications of gold and silver, and even applied to the emperor to be appointed governor of the coast he had discovered. In February 1519[32], Fernando Cortez sailed from Cuba for the country now called New Spain, with eleven ships and 550 Spaniards. He landed first in the island of Cozumel, where he immediately destroyed all the idols, and planted crosses and images of the Virgin on all the altars. From thence he went to the Cabo de las Duennas, on the peninsula of Yucatan, and thence to the river of Tabasco, where he attacked a city called Potoncion. This place was surrounded with wood; the houses were built of stone and lime, and roofed with tiles, and the people resisted the assailants manfully; but St James appeared on horseback to the assistance of the Spaniards, and they took the place. This, as the first town subdued by them on the continent, they named Vittoria. From thence they went to a place named St Juan de Vilhua, said to be 60 or 70 leagues from Mexico, where one Tendilli was governor for King Mute?uma. Though the Spaniards and he could not understand each other, yet Tendilli gave them good entertainment. Cortes had twenty women along with his expedition, one of whom, named Marine, was born in the country of the Indians, and was the first native of New Spain who received baptism. She and Anguilar served as interpreters between Cortes and the natives. Tendilli sent immediate intelligence to Mute?uma, that there had arrived in his country a bearded people, for so they called the Castilians. On the reception of this news, Mute?uma was greatly troubled, for his gods, or devils rather, had revealed that a people of the description of these Spaniards was to overthrow his law and dominion, and to become lords of the country; wherefore Mute?uma sent gifts to the value of twenty thousand ducats to Cortes, but refused any interview.

[30] Pet. Mart. IV. iv. Gomar. II. xiv. and xvii.

[31] The text is obscure, and seems to indicate that they were unable to pass between the island of Ascension and the main of Yucatan. The latitudes are extremely erroneous: Cozumel is in lat. 20° N. The island of Ambergris, perhaps the Ascension of the text, is in 18° 30'. From errors in latitude and alterations of nomenclature, it is often impossible to follow distinctly the routes of these early voyagers.--E.

[32] Pet. Mart. IV. vi. Gomar. II. xviii, &c.

As the ships could not ride in safety at St Juan de Vilhua, Cortes sent Francis de Montejo, and the pilot Antonio Alaminos, in two brigantines, to look out for a safe anchorage. They went to Panuco, in lat. 23° N. whence they came back to Culvacan as a safer harbour. But Cortes went by land westwards to a city named Zempoallan, where he was well received. From thence he went to Chiavitztlan, with the lord of which town, and of all the surrounding country, he entered into a league against Mute?uma. On the arrival of his ships at the appointed haven, he went there and built a town, which he named Villa rica de la Vera Cruz . From thence he sent a vessel to Spain with presents, and a letter to the Emperor Charles V. giving an account of his proceedings, and of his determination to visit Mute?uma, and soliciting a commission as governor of the country[33].

[33] Gomar. II. xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv.

Before proceeding on his march to Mexico, Cortes destroyed all his ships, lest his men might mutiny, as they seemed disposed; and leaving 150 Spaniards in Vera Cruz, with as many Indians to serve them, he began his march. Going first to Zempoallan, he learnt that Francis Garay was on the coast with four ships, and he contrived to inveigle nine of his men, from whom he understood that Garay, who had been in Florida, was now at the river Panuco, where he had got some gold, and meant to remain and build a town, now called Almeria. Cortes destroyed the idols of Zempoallan, and overthrew the tombs of their kings, whom the people worshipped as gods, and exhorted them to worship the true God. He set out from Zempoallan for Mexico on the 16th of August 1519, and after three days march came to the city of Zalapan, and thence to another named Sicuchimatl; at both of which places he was well received, and was offered to be conducted to Mexico, such being the orders of Mute?uma. Going from thence he ascended a hill three leagues high, on which vines were seen growing; and in another place he saw above a thousand load of wood ready cut. Beyond this he passed a plain country, which he named Nombre de Dios. At the foot of this mountain, he rested his troops at a place called Teuhixuacan; whence, through a desert country, he came to another mountain, which was covered with snow and excessively cold, and where the troops rested in a town named Zacotlan. Marching thus from town to town, he arrived at a territory called Tlaxcallan, which was at war with Mute?uma; and as the people were valiant, they fought against Cortes; but at length they agreed, and formed a league with him against the Mexicans.

Thus, from country to country, he came at length within sight of Mexico; and Mute?uma, being afraid, received him kindly, giving him and all his people lodgings in the capital, and all things necessary. After a time, fearing to be slain, Cortes made Mute?uma prisoner, and brought him to his own quarters, keeping him under a secure guard. Cortes inquired at Mute?uma the extent of his dominions, where the mines of gold and silver were, and the number of kings who dwelt in the land. And joining eight intelligent Spaniards with an equal number of Indians, he sent them, in four companies, to travel into four separate countries, Zucolla, Malinaltepec, Tenich, and Tututepec. The messengers to Zucolla had 80 leagues to travel, and those who went to Malinaltepec 70; both of which provinces were under subjection to Mute?uma: they found both of these countries fertile and well peopled, and they brought back samples of gold, which the natives found in the rivers. The country of Tenich was at war with Mute?uma, and would not admit the Mexicans into their country; but they sent ambassadors to Cortes with presents, offering him their amity, at which Mute?uma was much displeased. Those who went to Tututepec, near the South Sea, brought back samples of gold, and praised the pleasantness of the country; reporting that there were many good harbours on the coast, and they presented to Cortes a beautiful cloth of cotton, on which the coast, with all its harbours and creeks, was distinctly represented. But at this time, by the coming of Pamphilus de Narvaez, the whole kingdom of Mexico was thrown into confusion.

On the 10th August 1519, Fernando de Magellanes went from Seville with five ships, on a voyage for the islands of, Malacca[34]. Going along the coast of Brazil, he came to the Rio Plata, which had been previously discovered by the Spaniards. Thence prosecuting his voyage of discovery, he came to Port St Julians, in lat. 49° S. where he lost one of his ships. With the remaining four he came to the straits named after himself, in 52° 80' S. and wintered in that place, where he and his people endured much distress from snow and ice, and extreme cold. They found the people of the country of extraordinary stature and great strength, insomuch that they took men by the legs, and rent them asunder as easily as one of us could tear a hen in two. These people, named Pataganes , but called Morcas by the Brazilians, live on fruits and by the produce of the chase. In the beginning of September of the following year, 1520, the weather became somewhat temperate, and leaving Port St Julian, Magellanes went to the straits which now bear his name; whence one of the ships returned to Spain, of which Stephen de Porto, a Portuguese, was captain and pilot. The other three passed through into a vast sea called the Pacific ; where they found no inhabited land till they arrived in lat. 13° N. when they came to certain islands named Los Jardines . They sailed thence to the archipelago of St Lazarus, where, in an island named Matan , Magellanes was slain and his ship burnt. The remaining two ships went to Borneo, and thence to the Moluccas, leaving many others discovered, which I do not mention, because I have not seen any exact account of this voyage[35].

[34] This certainly ought to be called the Molucca islands; but Galvano uniformly applies the same name, Malacca, both to the spice islands and the city of Malacca on the Continent.--E.

[35] Gomar. IV. iii. Pet. Mart. V. vii.

About this time Pope Leo X. sent Paulus Centurio on an embassy to the great duke of Muscovy, requiring him to send an army along the coast of Tartary into India; and the duke was almost persuaded to have made the attempt, if certain inconveniencies had not hindered[36].

[36] Ramusio, I. 874.

In February 1520, Diego Lopez de Sequeira, governor of India, sailed by the strait of Mecca[37], carrying with him the ambassador of Prester John and Roderigo de Lima, who was sent ambassador to that prince. They came to the island of Ma?ua or Massoua, on the African shore of the Red Sea, in lat. 17° N. where the ambassadors and their Portuguese attendants were set on shore. Peter de Covillan had been sent there formerly by John II. of Portugal; but the best account of that country was furnished by Francis Alvarez.

[37] This seems to mean the Straits of Babelmandel. Having lost sight of Prester John in Tartary, the Portuguese were delighted with the discovery of a Christian king in Africa, the Negus of Abyssinia; and transferred to him that popular fable.--E.

In this year 1520, the licentiate Lucas Vasques de Aillon, and others of St Domingo, sent two ships to procure slaves at the Lucayos or Bahama islands; but finding none there, they passed on along the continent, beyond Florida, to certain countries called Chicora and Gualdape, and to the river Jordan and Cape St Helena, in lat. 32° N.[38]. The Spaniards landed here, and were hospitably received by the natives, who furnished them with every thing they needed: but, having inveigled many of the unsuspecting natives on board their ships, they carried them away for slaves. In their way back to St Domingo, one of these vessels was lost, and the other was in great danger. On learning the news of this discovery, the licentiate Aillon made application to the emperor for the government of that country, where he expected to find much wealth, and received the appointment.

[38] These countries, with the river and cape mentioned in the text, are now unknown, these arbitrary names having merged in the nomenclature of more recent settlers. If the latitude be nearly accurate, it may have been on the confines of Georgia and South Carolina.--E.

About this time, learning the success of Cortes in Mexico, and that he had applied to the emperor for the commission of governor, Diego Velasques, governor of Cuba, who considered that it ought to belong to him, fitted out an armament of eighteen ships, under the command of Pamphilus de Narvaez, already mentioned, with a thousand men and eighty horses, whom he sent to Mexico in order to supersede Cortes. Landing in the neighbourhood of Vera Cruz, he sent an order to the garrison to receive him as governor; but they made his messenger prisoner, and sent him to Cortes, then at Mexico. On this Cortes wrote to Narvaez, desiring him not to raise any disturbance in the country, and offering to submit to his authority if he held a commission from the emperor. But Narvaez corrupted the people of the country; upon which Cortes went from Mexico, and took Narvaez prisoner in the town of Zempoallan, putting out one of his eyes. After this the soldiers of Narvaez submitted to Cortes; who detached two hundred soldiers to the river of Garay or Panuco, and a similar detachment under John Vasquez de Leon to Cosualco. He sent likewise a messenger to Mexico with an account of his victory; but the natives, having risen in rebellion, killed his messenger.

Cortes now set forwards on his return to Mexico, with one thousand foot soldiers and two thousand horsemen, and found Peter de Alvarado and the garrison he had left in Mexico in charge of Mute?uma, in safety. But the Mexicans continued their insurrection, and on one occasion Mute?uma was killed by a stone thrown by one of his own subjects. They then elected another king, and the Spaniards were forced to evacuate the city with great difficulty and danger. Driven out of Mexico, and having only 504 footmen and 40 horse remaining, Cortes retired with much difficulty to Tlaxcallan, where he was well received. He here mustered a force of 900 Spanish infantry and 80 cavalry, and gathered 200,000 Indians among the friends and allies whom he had secured, enemies of the Mexicans, and marched back to Mexico, which he took in August 1521[39].

[39] Gomar. II. l.

In October 1521, Cortes sent 200 foot and 35 horse, with a number of his Indian allies, under the command of Gonsalo de Sandoval, against Tochtepec and Coazacoalco, which had rebelled, and which Sandoval reduced to obedience. To retain this country under subjection, he built a town called Medelin , 120 leagues from Mexico, and another named Santo Spirito , on a river four leagues from the sea[40]. In this year 1521, died Emanuel, king of Portugal, and was succeeded by his son, John III.

[40] Id. II. lx.

In this same year, one of Magellan's ships sailed from Malacca with a loading of cloves. They victualled at the island of Burro, and went from thence to Timor, in lat. 11° S.[41]. Beyond this island, about 100 leagues, they came to other islands, all inhabited, one of which was called Eude . Passing on the outside of Sumatra, they found no land till they arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, where they took in wood and water; and sailing thence by the islands of Cabo Verde, they arrived at Seville, where they were received with great honour, both on account of their valuable cargo of cloves, and because they had circumnavigated the whole world[42].

[41] Malacca of the text ought certainly to be Molucca: Bouro is in lat. 3° 20' S. Timor between 8° 30' and 10° 20' S.--E.

[42] Gomar. IV. viii.

In January 1522, Gil Gonzales fitted out four ships from Tararequi, on the South Sea, intending to discover the coast of Nicaragua, and especially to search for a strait or passage, which was said to communicate between the South and North Seas. Sailing along the coast, he came to a harbour which he named St Vincent, where he landed with 100 Spaniards, some of whom had horses, and penetrated 200 leagues inland, whence he brought back to the value of 200 pesoes in gold. On his return to the harbour of St Vincent, he found his pilot, Andrew Nigno, who had been to Tecoantepec, in lat. 16° N. and had sailed 300 leagues. From thence Gonzales returned to Panama, and so overland to Hispaniola[43].

[43] Id. VI. iv. li.

In April 1522, the Trinity, commanded by Gonzala Gomez de Espinosa, another of the ships of Magellan, sailed from Tidore for New Spain. And, as the wind was scanty, they steered towards the N. E. in lat. 16° N. where they found two islands, which they named the Islands of St John. In lat. 20° N. they came to another island, which they called la Griega , where some of the simple natives came on board, whom they kept to shew in New Spain. Continuing their course to the N. E. for four months, they came into lat. 42° N. where they saw numbers of seals, and tunnies; and the climate appeared to them so cold and inhospitable, that partly on that account, and partly owing to contrary winds, they returned towards Tidore, having been the first Spaniards who had been in so high a northern latitude in these seas. On their return to Tidore, they found one Antonio de Britto employed in building a fortress, who took their goods from them, and sent forty-eight of them prisoners to Malacca[44].

[44] Gomar. IV. viii, and xii. Castagn. VI. xli.

In the same year 1522, Cortes was desirous to possess some harbours on the South Sea, on purpose to open a trade with Malacca, Banda, Java, and the other spice islands. For this purpose he sent four Spaniards with Indian guides to Tecoantepec, Quahatemallan, and other harbours, where they were well received, and whence they brought back some of the natives to Mexico. These people were much caressed by Cortes; who afterwards sent ten pilots to examine the coast, but they could find no good harbour, after a survey of seventy leagues. A cacique, named; Cuchadaquir, used them hospitably, and sent two hundred of his people to Cortes with presents of gold and silver; and the people of Tecoantepec did the same. Not long afterwards, this friendly cacique sent to Cortes, requesting aid against his neighbours, who warred against him. Cortes accordingly, in the year 1523, sent Peter de Alvarado to his assistance, with 200 foot and 40 horse, who built a town called St Jago, in which he left a garrison. The caciques of Tecoantepec and Quahutemallan inquired at Alvarado concerning certain sea monsters that had been on their coast the year before; meaning the ships of Gil Gonzales de Avila, at which they had been much amazed; and they wondered still more on being informed that Cortes had many such, and much larger than those they had seen. They displayed a painting of a mighty carak, having six masts, with sails and shrouds, and having armed horsemen on board[45]. In May 1523, Antonio de Britto, the Portuguese governor of the Molucca isles, sent Simon de Bru to discover the passage from thence by the island of Borneo to Malacca. They came in sight of the islands of Manada and Panguensara, and thence through the strait of Treminao and Taquy to the islands of St Michael, in 7° S. and then to the island of Borneo, where they came in sight of Pedra Branca , or the white stone ; whence, passing through the strait of Cincapura, they came to the city of Malacca[46].

[45] Gomar. VI. xii.

[46] Castagn. VI. xlii.

In the same year 1523, Cortes went with 300 Spanish foot, 150 horse, and 20,000 Mexicans, to make a complete discovery and conquest of Panuco, and to punish the inhabitants for having killed and devoured the soldiers of Francis Garay. The natives resisted him, but were overthrown; and to keep the country under subjection, he built a town on the river, near Chila, which he named Santo Stephano del Puerta, in which he left a garrison of 100 foot and 30 horse, under the command of Peter de Valleia. In this expedition he lost many of his people, both Spaniards and Mexicans, and several horses[47].

[47] Gomar. II. lxi. The text, in Hakluyt's translation, has the absurd number of 76,000 Castilians lost in this war; 76 is a more probable number, and is considerable out of his small force: yet, the text may mean 76,000 Castellans of gold, as the sum expended on the expedition; and which Hakluyt, or his printer, changed to that number of Castilians .--E.

In this same year 1523, Francis de Garay, having a commission from the emperor as governor of all the coast he had discovered from Florida to Panuco, fitted out nine ships and two brigantines, with 850 soldiers and 150 horses, on purpose to take possession of his government. Some men joined him from Jamaica, where he had furnished his squadron with warlike ammunition; and sailing thence to the harbour of Xagua, in the island of Cuba, he there learnt that Cortes had taken possession of the coast of Panuco. That he ought not meet with the fate of Narvaez, he sent the doctor Zuazo to Mexico, to endeavour to enter into treaty with Cortes. Garay arrived in the Rio de las Palmas on St Jameses day, and sent Gon?alo de Ocampo up the river to explore the country, who reported, on his return, that the country was bad and desert. Yet Garay landed with 400 foot soldiers and some horse, and commanded John de Grijalva, to explore the coast, while he marched by land to Panuco, in which march he crossed a river to which he gave the name of Rio Montalto. In this march he came to a large town, in which he found much poultry, to the great refreshment of his troops. Here, likewise, he took some of the inhabitants of Chila, whom he employed as messengers to different places. After a long and difficult march, he arrived at Panuco, but found no provisions; the country having been exhausted in the war with Cortes, and by being plundered by the soldiers. From this place he sent Gon?alo de Ocampo to St Stephano, or Istevan del Puerto, to inquire if the garrison would submit to his authority. They sent him a favourable answer; but, by means of an ambush, they made forty of his cavalry prisoners, alleging that they had come unwarrantably to usurp the government which belonged to another. Besides this misfortune, Garay lost four of his ships, by which he was greatly disheartened. While Cortes was preparing an expedition to Panuco, to resist Garay, Francis de las Casas and Roderigo de la Paz, brought letters-patent to Mexico, by which the emperor gave him the government of New Spain, including Panuco. On this he desisted from going personally on the expedition, but sent Pedro de Alvarado with a respectable force, both of infantry and cavalry, to defend his government against aggression, and dispatched Diego de Ocampo to communicate the letters-patent to Garay; who thought it better for him to yield himself to Cortes, and went accordingly to Mexico[48].

[48] Gomar. Conqu. de Mex. f. 226.

In the same year, 1523, Gil Gon?ales de Avila, discovered and peopled a town called San Gil da Buena-vista , in lat. 14° N. almost in the bottom of the bay of Ascension or Honduras[49]. Likewise, on the 6th December of this year, Peter de Alvarado was sent by Cortes from Mexico with 300 foot, 170 horse, four field-pieces, and some Mexican nobles, to discover and conquer Quahutemallan, Utlatlan, Chiassa, Xochnuxco, and other towns towards the South Sea. After a most fatiguing march of 400 leagues, passing by Tecoantepec to Xochnuxco, he discovered and conquered the whole of that country, where he built a city called St Jago de Quahutemallan, now Guatimala, of which and of the country he subdued, he is said to have got the government. In this expedition they passed some rivers, the water of which was so hot that they could scarce endure to wade them. They found likewise certain hills which produced alum, and one out of which a liquor like oil distilled; likewise sulphur in great abundance, from which the Spaniards made excellent gunpowder[50]. On the 8th December of the same year, Cortes sent Diego de Godoy, with a hundred foot, thirty horse, two field-pieces, and many friendly Indians, to Spiritu Santo; where, joining the captain of that town, they went to Chamolla, the capital of a province of the same name, which they reduced under subjection[51].

[49] Id. 242. This bay reaches no farther to the S. than 148 10' N.--E.

[50] Id. f. 229. 230.

[51] Id. f. 233.

In February 1524, Cortes sent Roderigo Rangel, with 150 Spaniards, and many Tlaxcallans and Mexicans, against the Zapotecas and Nixtecas, and other provinces not yet well discovered. They were at first resisted, but soon defeated the natives, and reduced the country to subjection. In the same year, Roderigo de Bastidas was sent to discover and reduce the country of Santa Martha; but refusing to allow the soldiers to plunder a certain town, he was assassinated in his bed by Peter Villaforte, formerly his fast friend, who joined in the conspiracy against him. Pedro de Lugo and his son Don Alfonso were afterward governors of that place, where they conducted themselves as covetous tyrants, and became much disliked[52]. In the same year, the licentiate Lucas Vasques de Aillon obtained the government of Chicora from the emperor, on which he fitted out some vessels from St Domingo, and proceeded to explore and colonize that country; but he was lost with all his people. I know not how it should have happened, except by the righteous judgment of God, that so little should now remain of all the gold and precious stones which were got in the Antilles by the Spaniards; but much the greater part has been dissipated to little purpose, and nothing great or valuable has ensued from the discovery[53].

[52] Gomar. Conqu. f. 234. and Hist. Gen. III. xxi.

[53] Id: Hist. Gen. II. vii.

In this same year, 1524, Cortes sent a fleet under the command of Christopher de Olid, to Cuba, to transport provisions and ammunition to Mexico, which had been purchased there by Alonso de Contreras; and Olid had orders to discover and colonize the country about Cape Higueras, and the Coast of Honduras, and likewise to send Diego Hartado de Mendo?a by sea, in search of a strait towards Darien, which was reported to pass that way into the South Sea, which object of research had been commanded by the emperor to be attended to. He sent also two ships from Panuco, to explore the coast from thence to Florida; and he commanded other vessels to examine the coast of the South Sea, between Zacatullan and Panama. On the arrival of Olid at Cuba, he entered into a league with Diego Velasquez against Cortes: and, instead of prosecuting the orders he had received, he set sail for Puerto de Cavallos, in lat. 10° N. 54, near which he built a town, which he named Triumpho de la Cruz . He made Gil Gonzales de Avila prisoner, and killed his nephew, and all the Spaniards who were with him, except one child; thus acting in direct opposition to Cortes, who had expended, in fitting out the present expedition, the sum of 80,000 castellans of gold, entirely to gratify Olid[55]. On learning this treachery, Cortes went by land from Mexico in the month of October 1524, to take revenge on Olid, carrying with him a force of 300 Spaniards, part foot, and part horse, and accompanied by Quahutimoc, king of Mexico, and many of the chief Mexican nobles. On coming to the town of Spiritu Santo, he procured ten guides from the caciques of Tavasco and Xicalanco, who likewise gave him a map painted on cotton cloth, delineating the situation of the whole country, from Xicalanco to Naco and Nito, and even as far as Nicaragua, with their mountains, hills, fields, meadows, rivers, cities, and towns; and Cortes ordered three ships from the harbour of Medellin to follow him along the coast[56]. When he had reached the city of Izancanac, Cortes learned that King Quahutimoc and his Mexicans had conspired to betray or destroy him and his Spaniards; wherefore he hanged the king and two of his principal nobles. Cortes then proceeded to Mazatlan; and from thence to Piaca, which stands in the middle of a lake, and is the chief city of a province of the same name, and hereabout he began to learn tidings of the Spaniards under Olid, of whom he was in search. From thence he proceeded to Zuzullin, and came at length to Nito; from whence he went to a bay on the coast, called St Andre, where, finding a good haven, he built a town called Natividad de nuestra Sennora. He went thence to Truxillo, on the coast of Honduras, where he was well received by the Spanish settlers. While here, a ship brought intelligence of an insurrection having broke out in Mexico during his absence; on which, he ordered Gonsalo de Sandoval to march with his company by land, from Naco to Mexico, by the ordinary and safest road of Quahutemallan, or Guatimala, towards the South Sea; and, leaving his cousin Férdinando de Saavedra to command in Truxillo, he went himself by sea along the coast of Yucutan to Chalchicocca, now called St Juan de Ullhua, and thence to Medellin and Mexico, where he was well received. Cortes was absent eighteen months on this expedition, during which he travelled 500 leagues[57], and suffered many hardships.

[54] In this latitude, on the shore of Costa Rica, there is a town now called Porto Cartago; but whether that indicated in the text it is difficult to say, as Galvano is not always perfectly accurate in his latitudes.--E.

[55] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxv. and Conqu. f. 243.

[56] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxvi, and Conqu. f. 256-261.

[57] The Spanish leagues are 17-1/2 to the degree of latitude, hence this march exceeded 2000 English miles.--E. Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. lxvi. Id. Conqu. 246-273.

In the year 1525; Francis Pizarro, and Diego de Almagro, went from Panama to discover Peru, on the south of the fine, which they called Nueva Castillia . Pedro Asias, governor of Panama, refused to take any concern in this expedition, on account of certain evil news which had been brought to him by Francis Vezerra. Pizarro went first in a ship with 124 soldiers, and was followed by Almagro with seventy men in another ship. Almagro came to Rio de San Juan, in lat. 3° N., where he got 3000 pezoes of gold; and not finding Pizarro, of whom he was in search, he lost heart, and returned to Panama. Pizarro went first to the island of Gorgona, and thence to the isle of Gallo, from whence he proceeded to the river called Rio del Peru , in lat. 2° N. from which the rich and famous country of Peru derives its name. He sailed thence to the river of St Francis, and Cape Passaos , where he passed the equinoctial line, and came to Puerto Vejo , in lat. 1° S. and sailed on to the rivers of Chinapanpa, Tumbez, and Payta, in four or five degrees of southern latitude, where he received intelligence concerning King Atabalipa, and of the vast riches of his palace. On receiving this intelligence, Pizarro returned to Panama, from whence he went to Spain, where he solicited and obtained the government of the rich country he had discovered; having spent above three years in the discovery, with much labour and great danger[58].

[58] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. i. and ii.

In the same year, 1525, seven ships were fitted out from Spain, under the command of Garcia de Loaisa, for a voyage to the Molucca Islands. Sailing from Corunna, and passing by the Canaries, they came to the coast of Brasil, where they discovered an island in lat. 2° S. which they named St Matthew; and, finding orange trees, hogs, and European poultry, they concluded it to be inhabited; but, by inscriptions oil the bark of trees, they learnt that the Portuguese had bean there seventeen years before. A small pinnace of this squadron, commanded by Juan de Resaga, passed the straits of Magellan, and ran along the whole coast of Peru and New Spain, carrying the intelligence to Cortes of the expedition of Loaisa to the Moluccas: But the admiral ship only of this squadron, commanded by Martin Mingues de Carchova, arrived at its destination, where the Moors of the Moluccas received the Spaniards hospitably; Loaisa and all the other captains died by the way.

In the same year Stephen Gomez sailed from Corunna, to endeavour to discover a strait in the northern parts, by which ships might sail from Europe to the Moluccas. This person had been refused employment in the fleet commanded by Loaisa; but the Count Ferdinando de Andrada, with the Doctor Beltram, and a merchant named Christopher de Sarro; fitted out a galleon for him at their joint expence. He went first to the island of Cuba, whence he sailed to Cape Florida, sailing only by day, as he was ignorant of the coast. He passed Cape Angra, and the river Enseada, and so went over to the other side; and it is reported that he came to Cape Razo[59] in lat. 46° N. whence he returned to Corunna with a cargo of slaves . But news spread through Spain that he was come home laden with cloves , which occasioned much joy at the court of Spain, till the mistake was discovered. Gomez was ten months engaged in this voyage. In this same year, Don George de Menesses, governor of Molucca, and Don Henriques, sent a vessel on discovery towards the north, commanded by Diego de Rocha, having Gomez de Sequiera as pilot. In lat. 9° or 10° N. they discovered several islands in a group, which were called the islands of Sequiera; whence they returned to the island of Bato-China. In 1526, Sebastian Gabota, chief pilot to the emperor, a native of Bristol in England, whose father was a Venetian, sailed from Seville with four ships, intending to have gone to the Moluccas by a western course. Gabota came to Pernambuco in Brasil, where he waited three months for a favourable wind to get round Cape St Augustine. In the Bay of Patos , or of ducks, the admirals ship was lost; and despairing of being able to accomplish the voyage to the Moluccas, he built a pinnace for the purpose of exploring the Rio Plata. Gabota accordingly ran sixty leagues, or 120 miles up that river; when coming to a bar, he left the large ships there, and went with the boats of the squadron 120 leagues, or 480 miles farther up the river Parana, which the inhabitants considered to be the principal river. He here constructed a fort, and remained in that place above a year; From thence he rowed still farther up the Parana, till he came to the mouth of another river called Paragioa , or Paraguay; and, perceiving that the country produced gold and silver, he kept on his course, sending one of the boats in advance, which was taken by the natives. On this, Gabota thought it more prudent to return to his fort, after having penetrated 200 leagues or 800 miles up this river. He took on board the people he had left at the fort, and returning to the ships at the bar, sailed back to Seville in 1530. He reported that the Rio Plata was navigable for a great way, and that it rises from a lake named Bombo [60] in the kingdom of Peru, whence, flowing through the valleys of Xauxa, it receives the rivers Parso, Bulcasban, Cay, Parima, Hiacax, and several others, by which its waters are greatly increased. It is also said that the river of San Francesco comes from the same lake, which likewise is very great; because rivers that flow from lakes are larger than those which proceed from springs.

[59] The ambiguity of the language is here utterly inexplicable.--E.

[60] Meaning probably the lake of Titicaca in Peru. It is hardly necessary to say that this slight survey of the Plata must be erroneous, especially in its reports. The Rio San Francisco, alludes to one of the sources of the Great Maranon, or river of the Amazons.--E.

In the year 1527, Panfilo de Narvaez sailed from St Lucar de Barameda with five ships, having 600 soldiers, 100 horses, and great abundance of provisions, ammunition, and all other necessaries, to take possession of Florida, as far as the river Palmas, of which he was appointed governor. Not being able to land at the place he wished, he went on shore with 300 of his soldiers, some horses, and a supply of provisions, nearer Cape Florida, ordering the ships to proceed to the river Palmas, in which voyage they were nearly all lost Those who escaped shipwreck, suffered extreme hardships from hunger and thirst on a dry barren island, called Xamo by the natives, and which the Spaniards named Malhada . In this island they were attacked by the natives, and many, both of the Spaniards and natives, were slain.

Narvaez, and his people, saw some gold among the Indians of Florida, who said they had it from Apalachen . He therefore went to that town in search of gold, where they found abundance of bay trees, and others of many different kinds, and plenty of beasts and birds, but neither gold nor silver. From Apalachen, he went to a town called Aute, and from: thence to Xamo, a poor and barren country. In this place, the natives requested the Spaniards to cure their sick, of whom they had great numbers; and the Spaniards being in extreme poverty and distress, prayed for the sick, and used such endeavours as were in their power, towards their relief: And it pleased God that many, both of the sick, and those who were ill from wounds, recovered; nay, even one that was supposed to be dead, was, by them, restored to life. Owing to this, the Spaniards were greatly esteemed, and even reputed as gods, so that the people offered them no injury, and even gave them such things as they had. By these means, they passed through many countries, and many strange nations, differing from each other in language, customs, and dress, and came at length among a people that lived continually among their flocks and herds, like the Arabs. Many of the tribes through which they travelled were so poor as to feed on snakes, lizards, spiders, ants, and all kinds of vermin, yet were well contented with their hard fore, and were much given to singing and dancing. This people are reported to purchase all their wives from their enemies, and to kill all their own daughters, lest by marrying into hostile tribes their enemies should increase in numbers. In some places, the women continued to suckle their children till they were ten or twelve years old; and there were certain men, being hermaphrodites, who married each other. In this manner, the Spaniards penetrated above 800 leagues, or 3200 miles through the country, till at length, not above seven or eight of the whole armament reached the city of St Michael of Calvacan, in lat. 23°. N. or higher, on the coast of the South Sea[61].

[61] Ramusio, III. 310. Ramusio gives a long and minute account of this unfortunate expedition, entitled, Relation made by Alvaro Nunez, of what befel the armament sent to the Indies (America) under Pamphilo Narvaez in the year 1527, to the end of 1536; when he returned to Seville with three only of his companions.--Clark.

Learning, as has been formerly mentioned, that Garcia de Louisa had passed through the Straits of Magellan, on a voyage to the Islands of Cloves , Cortes fitted out three ships from Civitlanejo, now St Christophers, in lat. 20°. N. on the western coast of New Spain, intending to send there in search of Loaisa, and that they might discover the way to the Moluccas, and open up the spice trade with New Spain. Leaving Civatlanejo, on All Saints day, 1527, under the command of Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron, the cousin of Cortes, they fell in with the islands formerly discovered by Magellan, which he had named the Pleasures ; whence they sailed to the islands which had been discovered by Gomez de Sequeira, and called by his name, but not knowing of this previous discovery, he named them Islas de los Reyes , or the Isles of the Kings, because discovered on Twelfth day. During this part of the voyage, two ships of the squadron separated from Saavedra, and were never more heard of. Sailing on from island to island, he arrived at the Island of Candiga, where he ransomed two Spaniards for seventy ducats, who had belonged to the crew of Loaisa, who was shipwrecked in that neighbourhood. Saavedra reached the Moluccas in March 1528, and anchored at the Island of Gilolo, where he found the sea calm, the winds moderate, and no tempests; and he estimated the distance from thence to New Spain at 2050 leagues, or 8200 miles. At this period, Fernando de la Torre was governor of the Molucca islands, and lived in the city of Tidore, having been chosen instead of Martin Yniguez de Carqui?ano, who was recently dead. Torre waged a fierce war with Don George de Meneses, captain of the Portuguese; and in a fight of the fourth of May, Saavedra took a Portuguese galliot, and slew Fernando de Baldaya the captain. In June, Saavedra set sail on his return towards New Spain, taking with him Simon de Brito, Patalin, and other Portuguese prisoners; but, after several months sail, he was forced back to Tidore by contrary winds, where Patalin was beheaded and quartered, and the rest of the Portuguese prisoners hanged. In this year, 1528, Cortes sent 200 infantry, and sixty cavalry, with a large force of Mexicans, to explore and subdue the country of the Chihimecas, which was reported to be rich in gold. He then took shipping for Spain, where he landed with great pomp, bringing with him 250,000 marks in gold and silver. On his arrival at Toledo, where the emperor then resided; he was very graciously received. The emperor created him marquis della Valle , and married him to the lady Jane de Zuniga, daughter to the Conde de Aguilar; after which he returned to resume the government of New Spain.

Saavedra, of whom we have lately made mention, returned from the Moluccas towards New Spain, in May 1529: and, during, the voyage, came in sight of land, in lat. 2°S. He ran along the coast to the S.S.E. from that time to the end of August, upwards of 500 leagues, finding a clean coast, free from shoals and rocks, with good anchoring ground, inhabited by a black people, with curled hair. The people of the Moluccas named the inhabitants of this coast Papuas because they are black with frizzled hair and both Portuguese and Spaniards have adopted the same name. Having reached to four or five degrees south of the line, he returned northwards; and near the equinoctial he discovered an island, which he called de los Pintados , or of the painted people, as the inhabitants were of a white complexion, but marked with a hot iron[62]; and, from various circumstances, he concluded that they were originally from China. A kind of boat put off from the shore, containing a number of these islanders, making many threatening signs and gestures, as if ordering the Spaniards to go away from their land, and even proceeded to throw stones from slings at the ship, but, as the stones did no harm, Saavedra would not allow his people to fire upon them. A little beyond this island, in 10° or 12° of north latitude, they discovered a group, consisting of many small low islands, covered with grass, and full of palm trees, to which they gave the name of Los Jardines , or the gardens[63]. Saavedra came to anchor in the midst of these islands, where he remained several days, and concluded that the people had come originally from China, but had, by long residence, degenerated into lawless savages, using no labour or industry. They wear a species of white cloth, made of grass, and are quite ignorant of fire, which put them in great terror. Instead of bread they eat cocoas, which they pull unripe, burying them for some days in the sand, and then laying them in the sun, which causes them to open. They eat fish also, which they catch from a kind of boat called parao , or proa , which they construct with tools made of shells, from pine wood that is drifted at certain times to their islands, from some unknown regions. The wind and weather becoming more favourable for his return to New Spain, Saavedra resumed his voyage thither, intending to have gone to Panama, to unload the cloves and other merchandize he had brought from the Moluccas. His purpose was to have carried this merchandize in carts from Panama, about four leagues, or sixteen miles overland, to the river Chagre, which is said to be navigable, and which discharges itself into the North Sea not far from Nombre de Dios, where the goods could be reshipped for Spain; by which means all kind of goods might be brought from India in a shorter time, and with less danger, than by sailing round the Cape of Good Hope, as the voyage from the Moluccas to Panama is almost a perfectly straight course between the line and the tropics. But, in the present voyage, they were never able to procure a favourable wind, and were therefore forced back to the Moluccas, where they arrived in great affliction, as Saavedra died by the way[64]. Had Saavedra lived, he intended to have opened a navigable communication from sea to sea, through the land of Castilia del Oro and New Spain, which might have been done in one or other of the following places:--1. From the gulph of St Michael to Uraba, which is 25 leagues, or 100 miles. 2. From Panama to Nombre de Dios, which is 17 leagues, or 68 miles, much the greater part consisting of the river Chagre, navigable for small craft. 3. Through the river Xaquator, now St Juan, in the province of Nicaragua, which springs out of a lake that reaches to within three or four leagues of the South Sea, and falls into the North Sea, being navigable by large boats and lighters. 4. The other place is from Tecoantepec, through a river, to Verdadera Cruz, in the bay of Honduras[65].

[62] The inhabitants of this island were most probably tatooted , of which custom a particular description will be given hereafter, in the particular voyages of discovery in the South Sea.--E.

[63] The longitudes being altogether neglected in these relations by Galyano, it is impossible to form any conjecture as to the islands indicated in text. They may possibly have belonged to the Carolines of modern maps, which extend between long. 135° and 180° E. and about the latitudes of the text.--E.

[64] The account which Galvano gives of this voyage is very vague and inconclusive. We shall find afterwards that the Spaniards found out the means of counteracting the perpetual eastern trade winds of the Pacific within the tropics, by shaping a more northerly course from the Philippine islands, where they established the staple of their Indian commerce, between Acapulco and Manilla.--E.

[65] Galvano certainly mistakes here in assigning Tecoantepec, which is at least 340 miles from the nearest part of the bay of Honduras. If a navigation were practicable from Tecoantepec, it would more probably be towards Tabasco, at the bottom of the bay of Campechy. Perhaps he ought to have said from Guatimala to the gulf of Dolse, at the bottom of the bay of Honduras. This splendid navigation between the Atlantic and Pacific, within the tropics, like that between the Mediterranean and Red Sea, still remains an unsolved problem. It will be resumed hereafter, among the voyages and travels to Spanish America.--E.

In the year 1529, Damiano de Goes, a Portuguese, travelled over all Spain, and went from Flanders into England and Scotland, being at the courts of the kings of these countries; after that he returned into Flanders, and travelled through Zealand, Holland, Brabant, Luxemburgh, Switzerland, and through the cities of Cologne, Spires, Strasburg, Basil, and other parts of Germany, and so back to Flanders. He went thence into France, through Piccardy, Normandy, Champagne, Burgundy, the dukedom of Bourbon, Gascony, Languedoc, Dauphiny, and Savoy; passing into Italy by Milan, Ferrara, and Lombardy, to Venice. Turning back, he passed through the territory of Genoa, the dukedom of Florence, and all Tuscany, to Rome and Naples. Thence back, through Italy, to Ulm, in Germany, and through Swabia, Bavaria, Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, and Hungary, to the confines of Greece. Thence through Poland, Prussia, and Livonia, to the great dukedom of Moscovy; and thence back into Germany, and through the dominions of the Landgrave, and the dukedom of Saxony, into Denmark, Gothland, and Norway, penetrating to lat. 70°.N. In the course of these travels, which occupied him during 22 years, he saw, spoke to, and was conversant with, all the kings, princes, nobles, and chief cities of all Christendom; for which reason, I thought the great extent of his travels was worthy of remembrance.

In 1529 or 1530, Melchior de Sosa Tavarez went from Ormus to Bassora, and the islands of Gissara, with some ships of war, and sailed up to where the Euphrates and Tigris unite together, being the first of the Portuguese who had sailed so far on the fresh water in these parts. Not long after this, a Portuguese, named Ferdinando Coutinho, being at Ormus, determined to return overland from thence to Portugal. For this purpose he went to Arabia, and up the river Euphrates, for the space of a month, and saw many countries and kingdoms that had not been before visited by the Portuguese. He was made prisoner at Damascus; whence he crossed the province of Syria to the city of Aleppo. He had been at the holy sepulchre in Jerusalem, in the city of Cairo, and at Constantinople, where the Great Turk resides. After seeing that Court, he passed over to Venice; and, from thence, through Italy, France, and Spain, to Portugal, he came back to Lisbon. This person, and Damiano de Goes, were the most adventurous of the Portuguese, who, in our time, had seen and discovered the greatest extent of foreign realms for their own satisfaction.

About the year 1530, Francis Pizarro, who has been already mentioned as having gone to Spain to obtain the government of Peru, returned to Panama, having procured all things as he wished, carrying with him four brothers, Ferdinand, John, Gonsalvo, and Francis Martines de Alcantara[66]. They were not well received by Diego de Almagro and his friends, because Pizarro had not sufficiently represented his merits in the discovery of Peru to the emperor, in which he had lost an eye, but took the whole merit to himself. In the end, however, they agreed; and Almagro supplied Pizarro with seven hundred pezoes of gold, providing him likewise with provisions and ammunition, and other necessaries towards his intended expedition against Peru. Soon after this arrangement with Almagro, Pizarro, and his four brothers before-mentioned, set out with such soldiers and horses as they could procure on their expedition. Being unable, from contrary winds, to reach Tumbez, where he proposed to have landed, he was under the necessity of disembarking at the river of Peru; whence he marched along the coast with great difficulty, on account of many rivers and marshes, in which some of his men were drowned in crossing. Coming to the town of Coache, they found much gold and emeralds in that place; some of which they broke, to see if they were perfect. From thence Pizarro sent twenty thousand pezoes of gold to Almagro at Panama, to enable him to send supplies of men, horses, ammunition, and provisions, and went from Coache to the haven named Porte Viejo , where he was joined by Sebastian Benalcazar, with all the supplies he had sent for. In the year 1531, after the arrival of these reinforcements, Pizarro passed over from Porto Viejo to the rich island of Puna, in the bay of Guayaquil, where he was outwardly well received by the governor, who yet conspired to kill him and his men; but Pizarro prevented him, and took many of the Indians, whom he bound with chains of gold and silver. Such was the jealousy of the governor of Puna, that he caused those who had the charge of his wives to have their noses and privities cut off. In this place, Pizarro found above six hundred prisoners belonging to king Atabalipa, who was then at war with his eldest brother Guascar. Pizarro set these prisoners at liberty, on promise of procuring him a friendly reception in Peru; but they forgot their engagements afterwards, and excited the people to war against the Spaniards. From Puna, Pizarro sent three Spaniards to Tumbez, in Peru, to treat of amity; but the Peruvians seized them, and put them to death. On hearing of this cruel action, Pizarro crossed over to the main, and made a sudden attack, during the night, on the city of Tumbez, killing great numbers of the inhabitants. The remainder submitted and made peace, presenting him large gifts of gold and silver, and other riches. Pizarro then built a town on the river Cira, which he named St Michael of Tangarara, which was the first habitation of the Christians in these parts; and he appointed Sebastian de Benalcazar to the command. After this, he made search for a secure haven on the coast, and found one every way to his wish at Payta.

[66] These seem all to have been brothers to Pizarro, and named from the town of Alcantara in Spain.--E.

In the same year, 1531, Diego de Ordas went, with 600 soldiers and 35 horses, to settle the country on the Maranon, or river of the Amazons; but, dying on the voyage, this expedition proved fruitless. Afterwards, in the year 1534, Hierom Artal was sent thither with 130 soldiers, yet he came not to the river, but formed settlements at St Michael de Neveri , and other places in Paria. Aries d'Acugna, a Portuguese gentleman, went likewise to the Maranon, with ten ships, 900 men, and 130 horses, where he spent much, and did little to purpose; but the greatest loser in this expedition was John de Barros. This great river Maranon is in lat. 3° S.[67], its mouth being 15 leagues, or 60 miles across, with many inhabited islands, on which there are many trees producing incense, much larger than those of Arabia. It produces gold and precious stones, and an emerald was found there as large as the palm of the hand. The people of that country make a kind of drink of a species of oats that are as large as quinces.

[67] The mouth of the Maranon is exactly under the line.--E.

Nunnez de Gusman was sent from Mexico, in 1531, with 500 soldiers, half of whom were cavalry, and 6000 Indians to carry his baggage and provisions, to discover and subdue the countries to the northwest of the kingdom of Mexico. In this expedition he reduced the countries of Xalisco, Ceintiliquipac, Ciametlan, Tovalla, Cnixo, Ciamolla, Culhuacan, and other places. On this expedition he marched through Mechuacan, where he acquired much gold, and 10,000 marks of silver. To the country of Xalisco he gave the name of New Galicia, because it was rugged and mountainous, and the people robust and hardy. He built many towns in the conquered countries; particularly Compostella, Guadalajara, after the place of his own birth in Spain, Santo Espirito de la Conception, and St Michael, which last is in lat. 24° N. In 1532, Cortes sent Diego Hurtado de Mendo?a in two ships from Acapulco, which is 70 leagues from Mexico, on purpose to explore the coast of the South Sea, as he had been ordered to do by the emperor. Mendo?a sailed from Acapulco to the harbour of Xalisco, or Xalis, on the river Barania, in lat. 22° N. where he wished to take in wood and water. But he was resisted there, by the orders of Nunnes de Gusman, and obliged to proceed on his voyage. Some of his men mutinied, and he put them all on board one of his ships, that they might return to New Spain. Being in want of water, these people put in at the bay of Vanderas, not far south from Xalis, where they were all slain by the Indians. In this voyage of discovery, Hurtado sailed 200 leagues along the coast, but did nothing worthy of being recorded.

In 1533, Pizarro went from Tumbez to Caxamalca, where he took king Atabalipa prisoner, who engaged to pay a vast sum in gold and silver for his ransom. On purpose to procure this, Pedro de Varco and Ferdinando do Sotto were sent to the city of Cusco, in lat. 17° S.[68], a journey of 200 leagues, all upon causeways of stone, with bridges wherever necessary, and having lodging-places at proper distances for the conveniency of the Yngas , by which name the kings of Peru are distinguished. The armies of the Peruvians are very numerous, as they often bring more than 100,000 men into the field; and they lodge on these causeways, as already mentioned, where they always have abundance of provisions and other necessaries, as is said to be the custom in China. Ferdinando Pizarro went with some horsemen to Paciacama, 100 leagues from Caxamalca, to discover the country; and, on his return, he learnt that Guascar, the brother of Atabalipa, had been put to death by his command; and that Ruminaguy, the general of the army of Atabalipa, had risen in arms, in the city of Quito, against the Spaniards. After the reception of this intelligence, Atabalipa was strangled by the orders of Pizarro[69]. After the death of the two kings of the Peruvians, Pizarro continually extended his authority over the dominions of Peru, and built many cities, towns, and forts, in convenient situations, to hold the country under subjection. He detached Sebastian de Benalcazar, whom he had before made governor of St Michael de Tangarara, with 200 infantry and 80 horse, to Quito, against Ruminaguy. Benalcazar proceeded successfully in reducing the country to subjection from one city to another, eastwards, for 120 leagues, not far from the equinoctial line; where Peter Alvarado found certain mountains so cold, and loaded with such quantities of snow, that 70 of his men were frozen to death. Having reduced the city of Quito, he established himself and his people in that place, calling it the city of St Francis; and it seemed very strange to the Spaniards to find, in that country, abundance of cattle, wheat, barley, and other plants, similar to those of Spain. After sending Benalcazar to reduce the city of Quito, Pizarro himself undertook to reduce the royal residence of Cusco, in about 13° 20' S. in which expedition he was opposed by Quisquiz, a Peruvian general, whom he easily defeated; and he soon afterwards took possession of Cusco, the exceedingly rich and wealthy capital of the Peruvian monarchy. About this time Mango, a brother of Atabalipa, joined Pizarro, who made him Ynga, or king of the country, in name only, while he assumed the whole authority and revenues of the kingdom to himself[70].

[68] The latitude of Cusco is only 13° 30' S.--E.

[69] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. vi. vii. viii. ix

[70] Gomar. Hist. Gen. V. xvi. xviii. xix.

In the same year, 1534; Jaques Cartier, a native of Britanny, went with three ships to the land of Corterealis[71], and the gulf of St Lawrence, otherwise called Golfo Quadrato , or the square gulf, which he fell in with in lat. 48° 30' N. He proceeded northwards to the latitude of 51°, in the hope of being able to penetrate in that direction to China, by a north- west passage, to bring drugs and other merchandize from thence to France. Next year Cartier made a second voyage to the same regions, and found the country pervaded by many large rivers, and abounding in provisions. He sailed 300 leagues up one of these rivers, in a south-west direction, and named the country New France, now Canada; but finding the water to become fresh, he was satisfied there could be no passage that way to the South Sea; and having wintered in the country, he returned next year to France.

[71] So named from the two brothers, Caspar and Michael Cortereal, who are said to have been lost on this coast of North America in 1500, as formerly mentioned by Galvano.--E.

About the end of the year 1535, or beginning of 1536, Don Anthony de Mendo?a came from Spain to the city of Mexico, as Viceroy of New Spain, being appointed to supersede Cortes, the discoverer and conqueror of that rich and extensive territory. At this time Cortes was absent from the seat of government, having gone to Tecoantepec, on purpose to fit out two ships on a voyage of discovery. These he sent out under the command of Fernando de Grijalva and Diego Bezerra de Mendo?a, the former having a Portuguese pilot, named Acosta, and the pilot to the latter being Fortunio Ximenez, a Biscayan. On the first night after leaving Tecoantepec, the two ships separated. Ximenez raised a mutiny against his captain, in which Bezerra was slain, and many of the crew wounded. Some time afterwards, Ximenez went on shore in the bay of Santa Cruz, for wood and water, where he, and more than 20 of his people, were slain by the Indians. Two of the mariners, who were in the boat, escaped to Xalisco, and told Nunnes de Gusman, who commanded at that place, that they had seen indications of pearls during the voyage. Gusman went accordingly with, a ship in search of pearls, and explored above 150 leagues of the coast[72].

[72] Xalis, or Xalisco, the residence of Gusman is in lat. 21°45'N. The mouth of the river St Francis, on the north-eastern shore of the gulf of California, is in lat. 26° 40' N. so that the discovery on the present occasion seems to have comprised about 350 miles to the north of Xalis.--E.

It is said that Grijalva sailed 300 leagues from Tecoantepec, without seeing any land, except one small island in 20° N. to which he gave the name St Thomas, as having been discovered on the day of that saint[73].

[73] Gomar. Hist. Gen. II. Lxxiv. xcviii.

.

In the year 1535, Pizarro built the city which he named Ciudad de los Reys , or of the kings, on the river of Lima, in lat. 20° S; to which he removed the inhabitants of Xauxa, as a more convenient situation for the residence; of the government, and in a better country[74]. He built also the city of St Jago in Porto Viejo, and many other towns, both along the coast and in the inland country; and he procured from Spain horses, asses, mules, cattle, hogs, goats, and sheep, to stock his territories, and many kinds of trees and plants, such as rosemary, oranges, lemons, citrons, vines, and other fruits, wheat, barley, and other grains, with radishes, and many other kinds of vegetables, which were disseminated all over the country[75]. in the same year, Diego de Almagro went from the city of Cusco to the provinces of Arequipa and Chili, in lat. 30° S. The march was of great length, and he discovered a great extent of country; but he suffered great extremities of cold, hunger, and fatigue, in consequence of the ruggedness of the mountains, and the ice and snow, insomuch that many of his men and horses were frozen to death. About this time Ferdinando Pizarro came from Spain to the city of Lima, bringing with him the patent of Marquis of Atanillos, for his brother, Francis Pizarro, and a commission for Diego de Almagro, by which he was appointed governor of all the land he had hitherto discovered, and 100 leagues beyond, under the name of the New kingdom of Toledo . Ferdinando Pizarro went to the city of Cusco, of which he was made governor, and John de Rada went into Chili to Almagro, carrying with him the orders of the emperor. On receiving the letters patent of the emperor, Almagro marched directly for Cusco, which he considered to be included in his government, by which a civil war was kindled between him and Pizarro. On this march he and his people were severely oppressed by famine, and were even forced to feed upon their horses which had died four months and a half before, when on their march southwards into Chili[76].

[74] Xauxa or Jauja, stands on the high table land of Peru; Lima, or de los Reys, near the coast of the South Sea, in the maritime valley, or low country, and on the river Rimac, called Lima in the text.--E.

[75] Gomar. Hist. Gen. IV. xxiii. and V. xxii.

.

[76] Gomar. H. G. V. xxiv. and xxv. Almagro appears, both on his march to Chili and back to Cusco, to have gone by the high mountainous track of the Andes, and the carcases of his dead horses must have been preserved from corruption amid the ever during ice and snow of that elevated region.--E.

In this same year, 1535, Nunnez d'Acunha, who was governor of India for the crown of Portugal, while building a fortress, in the city of Diu, sent a fleet, under the command of Vasquez Perez del San Paio, to the river Indus, which is under the tropic of Cancer, 90 or 100 leagues to the north- west from Diu. He also sent an army against Badu, the king of Cambaia, or Guzerat, of which a renegado named Cosesofar was captain[77]. The fleet came to the bar of the great river Indus in December, where the same phenomena were observed as were formerly experienced by Alexander, according to the relation of Quintus Curtius[78].

[77] The text seems ambiguous, and it appears difficult to say whether Galvano means, that Cosesofar, or Coje Sofar, was captain under D'Acunha, or general of the Guzerat army, belonging to Badu.--E.

[78] This probably refers to the Bore , or great and sudden influx of the sea, after a great recession.--E.

In the same year, Simon de Alcazava sailed from Seville, with two ships and 240 men. Some say he was destined for New Spain, others for the Moluccas, and others again that he meant to have proceeded for China, where he had formerly been, along with Ferdinando Perez de Andrada. However this may have been, he went first to the Canaries, and from thence to the straits of Magellan, without touching at Brazil, or any other part of the coast of South America, and entered into these straits in the month of December, having contrary winds, and very cold weather. Under these difficulties, the soldiers entreated him to turn back, which he refused, and went into a haven on the south side of the straits, in lat. 53° S. where he ordered Roderigo de Isla to land, with 60 of the people, to explore the country; but the people mutinied against Alcazava, and slew him; and, having appointed such captains and officers as they thought proper, they returned back. In their voyage homewards, one of the ships was lost on the coast of Brazil, and such of the Spaniards as escaped drowning, were killed and eaten by the savages. The other ship went to St Jago, in the island of Hispaniola, and thence returned to Seville, in Spain[79]. In the same year, Don Pedro de Mendo?a went from Cadiz for the river Plata, with twelve ships and 2000 men, being the largest armament, both of ships and men, that had ever been sent from Spain to the new world. Mendo?a died on his return to Spain, but most part of his men remained in the country on the Rio Plata, where they built a large city, containing now 2000 houses, in which great numbers of Indians dwell along with the Spaniards. From this place they discovered and conquered the country to a great extent, even to the mines of Potosi and the town of La Plata[80], which is at the distance of 500 miles from Buenos Ayres.

[79] Gomar. H. G. IV. xiii.

[80] Probably a mistake for La Paz, the principal town of the north- western district, or mining province, belonging to the Viceroyalty of La Plata.--E.

Cortes having learnt, in the year 1536, that his ship, of which Fortunio Ximenez was pilot, had been seized by Nunnez de Guzman, sent three ships to Xalisco, while he marched thither by land with a respectable force; and, on his arrival there, he found his ship all spoiled and rifled. When his small squadron was come round to Xalisco, he went himself on board, and left Andrew de Tapia to command his land force. Setting sail from thence, he came, on the first of May, to a point of land, which he named Cape St Philip, and, to an island close by this cape, he gave the name of St Jago. Three days afterwards, he came to the bay where the pilot Ximenez was killed, which he named Bahia de Santa Cruz, where he went on land, and sent out Andrew de Tapia to explore the country. Cortes again set sail, and came to the river now called Rio de San Pedro y San Paulo , where the ships were separated by a tempest. One was driven to the bay of Santa Cruz, another to the river of Guajaval, and the third was stranded on the coast near Xalisco, whence the crew went overland to Mexico. After waiting a long while for his other two ships, Cortes made sail, and entered into the gulf of California, otherwise called Mar Vermejo , or the Vermilion Sea, and by some, the sea of Cortes. Having penetrated 50 leagues within that gulf, he espied a ship riding at an anchor, and, on his approach towards her, had nearly been lost, if he had not received assistance from that other ship. Having repaired his own ship, he departed from thence with both ships; and, having procured provisions at a very dear rate, at St Michael de Culiacan, he went to the harbour of Santa Cruz, where he received information that Don Antonio de Mendo?a had arrived from Spain as Viceroy of Mexico. He therefore left Francis de Ulloa with the command of his ships, ordering him to proceed on discoveries; and going to Acapulco, he received a messenger from Don Antonio de Mendo?a, the new viceroy, certifying his arrival, and the assumption of his authority. Mendo?a likewise sent him the copy of a letter from Francis Pizarro, stating that Mango, the Inca of Peru, had risen in arms, and assailed the city of Cusco with 100,000 fighting men, having slain his brother, John Pizarro, and above 400 Spaniards, with 200 horses; and that he himself, and the Spanish dominions in Peru, were in imminent danger, unless speedily and effectually assisted.

Cortes, not yet resolved on submitting to the authority of Mendo?a, fitted out two ships, under the command of Ferdinando de Grijalva and one Alvarado, on purpose to discover the route to the Moluccas by the way of the equinoctial line, because the islands of Cloves are under that parallel. They went first to St Michael de Tangarara, in Peru, where they landed succours for Pizarro, and thence, all along the line, to the Moluccas, as they were ordered; and they are said to have sailed above 1000 leagues without sight of land on either side the whole way. At length, in lat. 2° N. they discovered an island named Asea , which was believed to be one of the islands of Cloves. Five hundred leagues farther, more or less, they came to another, which they named Isla de los Pescadores , or island of Fishers. Going still in the same course, they saw another island, called Hayme , on the south side of the line, and another named Apia , after which they came in sight of Seri . Turning one degree to the north, they came to anchor at an island named Coroa , whence they came to another under the line named Memousum , and thence to Busu , still holding on the same course[81].

[81] The only island mentioned in this voyage, which can be traced by the names in our modern maps, is the Piscadores, about lat. 11° N. long. 167° E.--E.

The people of all these islands are black, with frizzled hair, whom the people of the Moluccas call Papuas. Most of them are witches, and eat human flesh; and are so much given to wickedness, that the devils walk among them as companions. Yet when these wicked spirits find any of the Papuas alone, they kill him with cruel blows, or smother him; for which reason they always go out in companies of two or three together. There is in this country a bird as large as a crane, which has no wings wherewith to fly, but runs on the ground with the swiftness of a deer, and, of the small feathers of this bird, the natives make hair for their idols. They have likewise a particular herb, the leaf of which, after being washed in warm water, if laid on any member, and licked with the tongue, will even draw out the whole blood of a mans body; and, by means of this leaf, the natives let blood of themselves, when afflicted by sickness.

From these islands they came to others named the Guellas , in lat. 1° N. east and west [82], from the island of Ternate, in which the Portuguese have a fortress. These islands are 124 leagues from the island of Moro , and between forty and fifty leagues from Ternate. From thence they went to the island of Moro [83], and the islands of Cloves, going about from one island to another; but the natives would not permit them to land, desiring them to go to the fortress, where captain Antonio Galvano , the author of this work, would receive them in a friendly manner, who was, as they stiled him, factor of the country, and they could not be allowed to land without his license. This circumstance is worthy of being noticed, that the natives were so well affected to the Portuguese as to venture their lives, with their wives, children, and goods, in their service.

[82] This strange expression is quite inexplicable, and must have been misunderstood by Hakluyt.--E.

[83] Probably Morty, of our present maps.--E.

In the year 1537, John de Vadillo, the governor of Carthagena, went with a powerful armament from the port called St Sebastian de Buena Vista , in the gulf of Uraba, to the Rio Verde, whence he went by land, without previously knowing any part of the way, and without carriages, to the very extremity of Peru and the town of La Plata, a distance of 1200 leagues, a most memorable journey. The whole country, from the Rio Verde to the mountains of Abibe, is full of rugged hills, thick forests, and many rivers, through which they had to pierce their way with infinite toil. The mountains of Abibe are said to be twenty leagues broad, and can only be passed over in the months of January, February, March, and April, as from incessant heavy rains at all other times of the year, the rivers are so swelled as to be quite impassable. In these mountains there are many herds of swine, many dantes, lions, tigers, bears, ounces, large wild-cats, monkeys, vast snakes, and other vermin. There are also abundance of partridges, quails, turtle-doves, pigeons, and other birds of many different kinds. The rivers also were so full of fish that they killed them with staves; and they affirmed, if they had been provided with rods and nets, that a very large company of men might be subsisted, without ever being in distress for want of food. In this expedition they noted the diversities of people, languages, dress, and other circumstances, during the whole way, through many countries, kingdoms, and, provinces, and the great difficulties and dangers they encountered till their arrival at the Villa de la Plata , and the adjoining sea. This was the most extensive discovery which has been ever heard of by land, and in so short a time; insomuch that, if it had not been performed in our own days, it could hardly have been credited[84].

[84] Chron. del Peru, c. ix, xx.

In 1538, certain friars of the order of St Francis went from Mexico to preach to the natives in the northern part of New Spain, and to convert them to the Catholic faith. One Mark de Nizza penetrated farther than any of the rest.--Passing through Culvacan, or Culiacan, he came into the province of Sibola, or Cinaloa, where he pretended to have found seven cities, and that the farther he went the richer was the country in gold, silver, and precious stones, with many sheep bearing wool of great fineness. On the fame of this wealth, the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendo?a, and Cortes, determined to send a force to take possession of the country; but, as they could not agree on this subject, Cortes and his wife went over to Spain in 1540, where he died seven years afterwards[85].

[85] Ramus. III. 356.

In 1538, I, Antonio Galvano, being governor of the Molucca islands, sent a ship, commanded by Francis de Castro, towards the north, with orders to convert as many as he could to the Christian Faith. Castro himself baptized many; as the lords of Celebes, Maccassar, Amboina, Moro, Moratax, and of several other places. On his arrival at the island of Mindanao, six kings received the water of baptism from de Castro, with their wives, children, and subjects; and I gave orders that most of these should receive the name of John, in honour of king John III. who then reigned in Portugal.

The Portuguese and Spaniards who have been in these islands, affirm that there are in them a certain species of hogs, which, besides the ordinary teeth in their jaws, have two others growing out of their snouts, and other two behind their ears, of a large span and a-half in length[86]. There is likewise said to be a certain tree, that part of which that grows towards the east is a sure antidote against all kinds of poison, while the western half of the same tree is itself a deadly poison. The fruit of this tree is like large pease; of which is made the strongest poison on earth. There is another tree of a very singular nature, for if any one eat of its fruit, he becomes twelve hours mad; and, on regaining his senses, cannot remember any thing that happened during his madness. There are likewise certain land-crabs, which have the same effect of producing temporary madness when eaten. The islanders also pretend that there is a certain stone in these islands of so wonderful a property, that whoever happens to sit upon it is sure to be afflicted with rupture. It is farther worthy of remark, that the inhabitants of these islands gild their teeth.

[86] This obviously refers to an inaccurate description of the Babyroussa. --E.

In the year 1539, three ships which had been ordered by Cortes to discover the coast northwards from Culiacan, and which sailed from Acapulco, under the command of Francis Ulloa, having touched at St Jago de Buena Speran?a , entered into the gulf of California, which Cortes discovered, and sailed up that gulf till they came almost to the farther end of it, in lat. 32° N. at a place which they named Ancon de San Andres , because they came there on the day of that Saint. They returned southward along the other, or western coast of the gulf of California; and, having doubled the point of that peninsula, called Cabo de San Lucas , within certain islands, they sailed northwards, along the external coast of California, till they again reached to the same latitude of 32° N. whence they returned into New Spain; forced to this measure by contrary winds and want of provisions, after having been absent a whole year on this voyage. In these discoveries, Cortes expended 200,000 ducats, according to his own account[87]. Cortes and his captains explored the coast of New Spain, from the lat. of 12° N. to 32° or 700 leagues; all of which was rather warm than cold, although snow is found on some of the mountains for the greater part of every year. From Cabo del Enganno to Cabo de Liampa in China, the distance is 1000 or 1200 leagues.

[87] Gomar. H. G. II. lxiv. Ramus. III. 329.

In New Spain there are many trees, flowers, and fruits of various kinds, that are useful to man. The principal tree is named Metl , which does not grow either very tall or very thick. The natives plant and dress this tree as we do our vines; and they allege that it has forty different kinds of leaves, resembling woven cloth, which serve for many useful purposes. When tender, these leaves are made into conserves. From it they make a kind of paper, and a substance like flax; and it is also manufactured into mantles, mats, shoes, girdles, and cordage. This tree produces such strong and sharp prickles, that they are used instead of needles for sewing. The roots are used as fuel; and their ashes make excellent ley for the manufacture of soap. The natives open up the earth from the roots of this tree, and, by scraping or wounding them, they extract a juice which is a rich syrup. By boiling this juice, it is converted into honey; and, when purified, it becomes sugar; and may likewise be made into wine and vinegar. The fruit of this tree is called Coco . The rind roasted, crushed, and applied to sores or wounds, has a most healing quality. The juice of the roots and tops, mixed with incense, is a sovereign antidote against the bite of a viper and other poisons. From all these useful properties, this is the most profitable tree that is known in these parts[88].

[88] Gomar. H. G. VI. xvii.

There are certain birds in New Spain called Vicmalim, having a long small bill, which live on dew and the juice of roses and other flowers; their feathers are very small, and of beautiful colours, and are much esteemed to work up into ornaments with gold. These birds die, or sleep rather, every year in the month of October, sitting on a small bough in some warm and close place; and they revive again in the month of April, when the flowers appear. There are snakes likewise in this country, which sound as if they had bells attached to them, when they creep along. There are other snakes also, which are said to engender by the mouth, as vipers are reported to do with us. There are likewise certain hogs, which have a navel on the ridge of the back; which the hunters cut out the moment they are killed, as otherwise the carcase would corrupt and stink, so as to be uneatable. Besides which, there are certain fishes which are named Snorters , because they make a snorting noise like hogs[89].

[89] In this paragraph we have very vague indications of humming birds, rattlesnakes, and of the animal now called Pecari.--E.

In the year 1538, a civil war broke out in Peru, between Pizarro and Almagro; in the course of which, Almagro was taken prisoner and beheaded. After which, in the year 1539, Pizarro sent Peter to Baldivia into Chili; where he was at first well received, but the people afterwards rose against him, and sought to put him to death by treason. Notwithstanding the long and severe war he had to wage against the natives of Chili, Baldivia explored the country to a great extent, discovering the whole coast as far as lat. 40° S. and even further. While Baldivia was occupied in these discoveries, he received intelligence of a king called Lucengolma , who commonly brought 200,000 men into the field, when engaged in war against another neighbouring king. Lucengolma was likewise said to have a temple in an island, in which there were 2000 priests. It was farther reported, that beyond the dominions of this king, there lay a country inhabited by a nation of Amazons, whose queen was named Guanomilla , which signifies the golden heaven . But, hitherto, these things rest merely on report, and have not been ascertained for truth, by actual discovery. About this time Gomez de Alvarado reduced the province of Guanaco to obedience; and Francis de Chavez subdued the Conchincos , who often vexed the town of Truxillo and its adjoining country, by various inroads. Peter de Vergara reduced the Bracamores , a people to the north of Quito; John Perez de Veragara subdued the Ciaciapoians ; Alfonsos de Mercadiglio subdued the people of Mulubamba ; Ferdinando and Gonsalvo Pizarro reduced Collao , a country rich in gold; the lower part of which was subdued by Peter de Candia; Peranzures went also on an expedition into the same country. In this manner the Spaniards dispersed themselves over the whole country, and conquered an extent of more than 700 leagues; yet not without much labour, and considerable loss of men[90].

[90] Gomar. H. G. V. xxxv. and Chron. del Peru, c. 103.

The countries of Brazil and Peru stand east and west from each other, their coasts being almost 800 leagues distant at the nearest points, which are the Cape of St Augustine and the harbour of Truxillo, nearly in the same parallel of latitude. The greatest extent of Peru, measuring from the river of Peru in the north, to the Straits of Magellan in the south, is 950 leagues. Through the whole of this country certain mountains, called the Andes, extend from north to south, which divide Brazil on the east, from Peru, or the empire of the Incas on the west. In the same manner, the mountains of Taurus and Imaus divide Asia into two parts; which mountains begin on the Mediterranean, in 36 or 37 degrees of north latitude, over against the islands of Rhodes and Cyprus, and extend eastwards to the sea of China. Thus, likewise, the mountains of Atlas in Africa divide the tawny moors from the black moors, or negroes who have frizzled hair. These mountains begin at Mount Moies , near the desert of Barca, and extend under the tropic of Cancer to the Atlantic; The mountains of the Andes are high and rugged, and barren in some places, without trees or even grass; and it almost always either rains or snows on their highest ranges, accompanied with sudden and violent tempests of wind. There is so great a scarcity of wood in these parts, that the inhabitants use turf or peats for fuel, as is done in Flanders. In these mountains and countries, the soil is in some places black, in others white, or red, blue, green, yellow, and violet; and, with some of these earths, the natives dye various colours, without using any other mixture. From the bottoms of these mountains, but principally on the east side, there flow many rivers, both small and great. Among these are the rivers Amazons, St Francis, and La Plata, and many others, which pervade the country of Brasil[91], which are much larger than those of Peru, or of Castilia del Oro. The country of Peru, between the Andes and the western sea or Pacific, is from 15 to 20 leagues in breadth, all of a hot sandy soil, yet fertile, as being well watered, and produces many excellent trees and fruits. It produces many turnips, rapes, and other such herbs and roots; likewise abundance of flags, rushes, herbs, and flowers, of so loose and tender a texture, that the leaves drop off on the slightest touch. Among these herbs and fresh flowers, the natives often dwell without beds or houses, even like cattle in the fields, and some of them have tails[92]. These people are gross, and wear long hair, but have no beards; and they speak divers languages. One of the plants of this region called aipo , resembles rue, and bears a yellow flower, which cures all kinds of rotten sores; yet, if applied to sound flesh, will eat it to the bone.

[91] The word Brazil in the text obviously includes the whole flat country to the east of the Andes, Guiana, Brazil, Paraguay, Buenos Ayres, and Patagonia.--E.

[92] This idea, ever since the time of Lord Monboddo, has been renewed, and occupies the attention of the explorers of Africa; links may exist, in creation, with which we are yet unacquainted.--Clark.

The fancy of tailed men has probably arisen from inattentive observers, seeing people clothed in the skins of beasts, with the tails hanging down. The natives of New South Wales wear tails in imitation of the Kangaroo: Yet, having been closely observed, are not described as tailed men--E.

They say that these mountains abound in tigers, lions, bears, wolves, wild- cats, foxes, dantes, ounces, hogs, and deer; and with many birds, both ravenous and others, most of them being black; while under the north, both birds and beasts are mostly white. There are also great numbers of large and terrible snakes, which are said to have destroyed a whole army of one of the Incas, that was marching this way: Yet, according to report, an old woman did so enchant them, that they became quite harmless and gentle, insomuch that they would allow people to sit upon them. It is reported that, from Tumbez to Chili, there are no peacocks, hens, cocks, nor any eagles, hawks, kites, or other ravenous birds; but there are many ducks, geese, herns, pigeons, partridges, quails, and many other kinds of birds. There is likewise a certain fowl like a duck, which has no wings, but is covered all over with fine thin feathers. A certain species of bitterns are said to make war upon the sea-wolf or seal; for when this bird finds them on land, it tries to pick out their eyes, that they may not see their way back to the water, and then kills them; and the fight between the bitterns and the seals is said to be a pleasant sight.

Those who live on the tops of the Andes, between the cold and the heat, are mostly blind of one eye, and some are totally blind; so that hardly can two men be found but one of them at least is half blind. Notwithstanding the great heat of the sand in Peru, it yields good crops of Maize and Potatoes, and an herb called cocoa , which the natives carry continually in their mouths, as those in the East Indies do Betle , and which they say satisfies both hunger and thirst. It is affirmed that, from Tumbez southwards, for the space of 500 leagues, there is neither rain, thunder nor lightning, with only some light showers. In Peru, there are certain animals, called xacos [93] by the natives, and sheep by the Spaniards, because they are covered with wool; but their shape resembles that of deer, and they have saddle backs like a camel, and are capable of carrying burdens of about a hundred weight each. The Spaniards ride upon them; and, when weary, they turn their heads backward, and void a wonderfully stinking liquor from their mouths. From the rivers La Plata and Lima, or Rimac, inclusively to the southwards, there are no crocodiles, lizards, snakes, or other venomous reptiles; but the rivers produce great store of excellent fish. On the coast of St Michael on the South Sea, there are many rocks of salt, covered with eggs. At the point of St Helena, there are springs from which a liquor flows, that serves instead of pitch and tar. It is said that there is a fountain in Chili which converts wood into stone. In the haven of Truxillo, there is a lake of fresh water, the bottom of which is good hard salt; and in the Andes, beyond Xauxa, there is a fresh water river which flows over a bottom of white salt. It is also affirmed that there formerly dwelt giants in Peru, of whom statues were found at Porto Vejo; and that their jaw bones were found in the haven of Truxillo, having teeth three or four fingers long.

[93] This word ought to have been Pacos . Of these animals, with the Llamas and Vicugnas, different species of the camel genus, a more extended account will occur, when we come to the particular travels in Peru.--E.

In the year 1540, the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendo?a, sent Ferdinando Alorchon with two ships, to explore the bottom of the gulph of California, and divers other countries. In the same year, Gonsalvo Pizarro went from Quito to discover the Cinnamon country, of which there ran a great fame in Peru. Taking with him a force of 200 Spaniards, partly horse and part foot, with 300 Indians to carry the baggage, he marched to Guixos , the most distant place or frontier of the empire of the Incas; in which place there happened a great earthquake, accompanied with much rain and dreadful lightning, by which seventy houses were swallowed up. From that place they passed over a chain of cold and snowy mountains, where they found many Indians frozen to death, and they wondered much at finding so much snow immediately under the equinoctial line. From thence they proceeded to a province called Cumaco , where they were detained two months on account of constant rain; and beyond this, they came to the cinnamon trees, which are of great size, with leaves resembling those of the bay tree. The leaves, branches, roots, and every part of this tree, tasted like cinnamon, but this taste and flavour was particularly strong in the root; yet that was still stronger in certain knobs, like alcornoques , or acorns, which were good merchandize. This appears to have been of the same nature with wild cinnamon, of which there is great abundance in the East Indies, particularly in the island of Jaoa , or Java. From this cinnamon country, they proceeded onwards to the province and city of Coca, where they halted for fifty days; after which they travelled for sixty leagues along a river, without being able to find any bridge or ford at which they could pass over. In one place they found this river to form a cataract of 200 fathoms in perpendicular fall, making such a noise as was almost sufficient to deafen any person who stood near. Not far beyond this fall, the river was found to glide in a smooth channel, worn out of the rock; and at this place they constructed a bridge by which they passed to the other side, and entered into a country called Guema, which was so poor, that they could only get fruit and herbs to subsist upon. Travelling onwards from that place, they came to a district where the people had some degree of civilization, and wore cotton clothing of their own manufacture, and used canoes. They here built a brigantine, in which, and in some canoes, procured or taken from the natives, they embarked their sick, with their treasure, provisions, and spare apparel, under the charge of Francis de Orellana; while Gonsalvo Pizarro marched by land with the rest of the people along the river, going every night into the boats. In this manner they proceeded for about 200 leagues; when one night, on coming to the river side, in hopes of joining the boats as usual, Pizarro could not see or hear of them. He and his people were reduced, by this unfortunate incident, to a state of almost utter despair: In a strange, poor, and barren country, without provisions, clothing, or any other convenience, and at a vast distance from their friends, with a prodigious extent of difficult and dangerous road interposed between them and Quito, they were reduced to the necessity of eating their horses, and even their dogs. Yet holding a good heart, they proceeded onwards in their journey for eighteen months, penetrating, as is said, almost 500 leagues, without ever seeing the sun or any thing else to comfort them. At length, of the 200 men who had set out from Quito, only ten returned thither; and these so weak, ragged, and disfigured, that they could not be recognized. Orellana went 5 or 600 leagues down the river, passing through various countries and nations on both sides, among whom he affirmed that some were Amazons[94]. From the mouth of that river, Orellana went home to Spain, and excused himself for having deserted Pizarro, and those who marched by land, by alleging, that he had been forced down the river by the strength of the current, which he was utterly unable to stem. By some, this river is named after Orellana, who first navigated its waters; and others call it the river of the Amazons, on account of a female nation of warriors, who are said to inhabit its banks[95].

[94] It will be seen afterwards, in the account of the West India Islands, and the Continent of Guiana, that there are many warlike tribes of Caribs, or Caraibs, constantly engaged in predatory warfare; whose women, when their husbands are absent in search of prisoners for food , take arms for the protection of themselves and children; whence they have been reported as nations of female warriors, or Amazons.--E.

[95] Gomar. H.G.V. xxxvi.

In the year 1541, Don Stephen de Gama, the Portuguese governor of India, went with a squadron into the Red Sea, by the strait of Mecca, or of Babelmandel, and came to anchor off the island of Ma?ua, or Massoua; from whence he sailed along the coast of Abyssinia, or Ethiopia, to the island of Suachem, in lat. 20° N. and to the harbour of Cossier, in 27°. From thence, he crossed over to the Arabian shore, and the city of Toro, and sailed from that place to Suez, at the farther end of the Red Sea, and returned from thence to India, having extended the Portuguese knowledge of that sea farther than had ever been done before. On the way between Cossier and Toro, Gama is said to have found an island of brimstone, which had been dispeopled by Mahomet, wherein many crabs are bred, which increase nature, on which account, they are much sought after by the unchaste.

It is true that Lopez Suarez, when governor of India, had navigated the Red Sea, as far as Judda, the haven of Mecca, in lat. 23° N. 150 leagues from the straits of Babelmandel; but Gama penetrated to the very northern extremity of the gulph[96]. In the same year, Diego de Almagro killed the Marquis Francis Pizarro, and his brother Francis Martinez de Alcantara, in the city of Lima, or de los Reyes , and usurped the government of Peru.

[96] The true latitudes of the places mentioned in the text are, Suakim, 19o 30', Massoua, 15o 20', Cossier, 26° 16', Judda, 21o 20', Suez, 30°. --E.

In the same year, 1541, Don Antony de Mend?a, viceroy of Mexico, sent an army of Spaniards and Indians from Mexico, under the command of Francis Vasquez de Coronado, by way of Culiacan, into the province of Sibola, or Cinaloa, which is in lat. 30° N.[97]. Coronado endeavoured to treat on friendly terms with the natives, and requested to be furnished with provisions; but received for answer, that they were not accustomed to give any thing to those who came unto their country in a warlike manner. Upon this, the Spaniards assaulted and took the town, to which they gave the name of New Granada, because the general was a native of Granada in Old Spain. The soldiers found themselves much deceived by the reports of the friars who had been in those parts, as already mentioned under the year 1538, who said that the country was rich in gold, silver, and precious stones. Not being willing, therefore, to return empty-handed to Mexico, they went to the town of Acuco , where they heard of Axa and Quivira , the king of which was reported to worship a golden cross, and the picture of the Queen of Heaven, or the blessed Virgin. In this journey, the Spaniards endured many hardships, but the Indians fled every where before them, and one morning, they found thirty of their horses had died during the night. From Cicuic they went to Quivira , a distance of 200 leagues in their estimation, the whole way being in a level country; and they marked their route by means of small hillocks of cow dung, that they might be the better able to find their way back. At one time they had a storm of hail, the hailstones being as large as oranges. At length they reached Quivira, where they found the King Tatarax , whose only riches consisted in a copper ornament, which he wore suspended from his neck. They saw neither cross, nor image of the virgin, nor any indication whatever of the Christian religion. This country, according to their report, was very thinly inhabited, more especially in its champaign or level parts, in which the whole people wandered about with their cattle, of which they have great abundance, living much in the same manner with the Arabs in Barbary, removing from place to place according to the seasons, in search of pastures for their cattle. The cattle belonging to these Indians are almost as large as horses, having large horns, and bear fleeces of wool like sheep, on which account the Spaniards gave them that name. They have abundance of another kind of oxen or cattle, very monstrous in their form having hunches on their backs like camels, with long beards, and long manes like horses. The Indians live by eating these oxen, and by drinking their blood, and clothe themselves in their skins. Most of their food is raw, or at least slightly roasted, as they have no pots in which to boil their food. They cut their meat with certain knives made of flint. Their fruits are damsons, hazel-nuts, melons, grapes, pines, and mulberries. They have dogs of such vast strength, that one of them will hold a bull, be he never so wild. When the Indians remove from place to place, these dogs carry their wives, children, and household stuff on their backs; and are so strong as to carry fifty pounds at once[98]. I omit many other circumstances of this expedition, because the plan I have prescribed requires brevity[99].

[97] The latitude of 30° N. would lead to the idea of Sonora being the district, or province, indicated in the text by Sibola; Cinaloa is only in 26° N. yet, from the context, appears to be the country intended by Galvano--E.

[98] The idea that a dog, even able to bear a load of fifty pounds, should carry a woman, is truly absurd. If there be any truth in the story, the dogs must have performed the services in the text by drawing sledges; yet nothing of the kind has hitherto been found in North America, though common in North-east Asia.--E.

[99] Gomar. H.G. VI. xviii. and xix.

In the year 1542, when Diego de Frietas was in the port of Dodra, in the kingdom of Siam, three Portuguese of his crew deserted, and went in a junk towards China. The names of these men were, Antonio de Mota, Francis Zeimoro, and Antonio Pexoto; who directed their course for the city of Liampa, in lat. 30° N. or upwards[100]. Having encountered a great storm, they were driven to a distance from land distance from land, and came in sight of an island far to the east, in lat. 32° N. which they called Japan, and which seems to be the isle of Zipangri, mentioned by Marco Polo the Venetian, which in exceedingly rich in gold and silver, and other valuable commodities.

[100] In other writers Liampa and Siampa, or Tsiompa, are synonimous; but that place is in lat. 12° N. The latitude of the text would lead us to the eastern coast of China, between Ningpo and Nankin.--E.

In the same year, 1542, Don Antonio de Mendo?a, the viceroy of New Spain, sent certain sea captains and pilots to explore the Coast of Cape del Engannon, where a fleet, sent by Cortes, had been before. They sailed as far as the latitude 40° N. when they came in sight of a range of mountains covered in snow, which they name Sierras Nevadas , or the snowy mountains in lat. 40°N. They here met with certain merchant ships, which carried on their stems the images of a kind of birds called Aleutarsi , and had their yards gilded, and their bows laid over with silver. These seemed to belong to the islands of Japan or to China, as the people said that their country was within thirty days sail[101]. In the same year, the viceroy Mendo?a sent a fleet of six ships, with 400 Spanish soldiers, and as many Mexicans, under the command of his brother-in-law, Rui Lopez de Villa Lobos, a person in high estimation, to the Mindanao islands. They sailed on the eve of All Saints, from the harbour of Natividad, in lat. 20°N. and shaping their course towards the west, they came in sight of the island of St Thomas, which had been before discovered by Hernando de Girijalva; and beyond that, in 17°N, they got sight of another island, which they named La Nebulata or the Cloudy Island; and from thence, they came to another island, which they named Roca Partalia , or the cloven rock. On the 3rd. of December, they discovered certain shoals, having only six or seven fathoms water. On the fifteenth of the same month, they had sight of the islands which were discovered by Diego de Roca, Gomez de Sequieira, and Alvaro de Saavedra, called Los Reyes or islands of the kings, because discovered on Twelfth day. And beyond these, they found a cluster of islands, in 10° of latitude, and came to an anchor in the midst of them, where they took in wood and water. In January 1548 leaving these islands, they came in sight of certain other islands, from which the natives came off to them, in a kind of boats, bearing crosses in their hands, and they saluted the mariners in the Spanish language, saying, Buenos dias Matelotes , or, good day companions. The Spaniards were much surprised at being thus accosted in their own language, and seeing such indications of Christianity, at no great a distance from Spain, not knowing that many of the natives in these parts had been baptised by Francis de Castro, at the command of me, Antonio Galvano, an formerly mentioned. From these unlooked- for circumstances, some of the Spaniards named these islands Islas de los Cruzos , or the Islands of Crosses and others called them Islas de los Matelotes , or the Islands of Companions[101]. On the first of February, Ruy Lopez came in sight of the noble island of Mindanao, in 9o N.[102]. But he could neither double that inland, owing to contrary winds, nor would the natives permit him to come to anchor on their coast, because the five or six christened kings and their people had promised obedience to me Antonio Galvano, and were unwilling to incur my displeasure. On this account, and constrained by contrary winds, Lopez sailed along the coast in quest of a place of safety; and, in four or five degrees of latitude, he found a small island called Sarangam by the natives, which he took possession of by force, and named it Antonio after the viceroy of Mexico. Ruy Lopez, and his people remained here a whole year, during which many things occurred worth notice; but as these are treated of in other histories, I refrain from mentioning them, confining myself entirely to discoveries.

[101] Gomez, H. G. VI. xviii. This story, which Galvano has reported from Genoa, seems altogether unworthy of credit.--E.

[102] The Matelots are laid down in our modern maps, in lat. 9° N. Long 137° E. not far E.N.E. of the Pelew, or Pillelew islands.--E.

In the month of August of the same year, 1548, Ruy Lopez, sent Bartholomew de la Torre in a small ship to New Spain, to acquaint the viceroy of his proceedings. Torre went first to the islands named Siria, Gaonala, Bisaia , and many others, in 11° and 12° N. lat. where Magellan and de Castro had both been formerly, and where the latter baptized many of the natives; and the Spaniards called these the Phillipinas , in honour of the prince of Spain[104]. In these islands Torre procured provisions, and wood and water, whence he sailed for several days with a fair wind, edging towards the north-east, till he came right under the tropic of Cancer. On the 25th of September, they came in sight of certain islands, which they named Malabrigos , or the evil roads; beyond which they discovered Las dos Hermanas , or the Two Sisters; and beyond these again, four islands which they called las Volcanes . On the second of October they came in sight of Farfana , beyond which there is a high pointed rock, which throws up fire in five places. Sailing in this manner, for some time, in 16° of north latitude, they were obliged by continual contrary winds, to bear up again for the Philippine islands, and in their way back, had sight of six or seven additional islands, but did not anchor at any of them. They found also an archipelago, or numerous cluster of islands, in 15 or 16 degrees of north latitude, well inhabited by a white people, with beautiful well-proportioned women, and much better clothed than in any other of the islands of these parts; and they had many golden ornaments, which was a sure sign that there was some of that metal in their country. These people likewise had barks or vessels of forty-three cubits long, by two fathoms and a half in breadth, constructed of planks five inches broad, and which were rowed with oars. The people told the Spaniards that they were in use to sail in these vessels to China, which was not above five or six days sail from thence, and offered to supply them with pilots, if they were inclined to go thither. Several of these barks, handsomely decked, came off to the Spanish ship, in which the master, and other principal people, sat on a high platform, while the rowers sat underneath, who were blackamoors or negroes with frizzled hair. Being asked whence they had these negroes, they answered that they were brought from certain islands near Sebut, where there were abundance to be had. The Spaniards wondered much at finding negroes in this place, being above 300 leagues from the nearest land of the negroes. It is therefore probable that these people were not originally natives of this part of the world; but that they have been scattered somehow in various places over the circuit of the earth, as they are found in the islands of Nicobar and Andaman, in the bay of Bengal. From thence, for the space of 500 leagues, we do not know of any other black people: Yet Vasco Nunnez de Valboa pretends to have discovered them, when he went to explore the coast of the South Sea, in a country which he named Quareca ; but there never were any found in New Spain, Castilia del Oro, or in Peru.

[103] This great inland of Mindanao, to the south of the Philippines, reaches from 9° 30' N. to 5° 30', and from long. 122° to 126° 20' E. being about 300 miles long, by 270 miles broad.--E.

[104] The Philippines, exclusive of Mindanao and Palawa, extend from Lat. 9° to 18o 40' both N. and are in E. long. 122o but their present geographical names, Luzon, Samar, Leyte, Zebu, Negros, Pany, Mindora, and several other smaller isles, have no resemblance whatever with those of the text.--E.

In the year 1544, Don Gutierre de Vargas, bishop of Placenza, the cousin of Mendo?a, sent a fleet from Seville to the straits of Magellan, instigated by the advice of the viceroy. Some said that this fleet was destined for the Moluccas, others for China, and others again, that it was meant only to explore the coast from the straits along Chili to Peru. However this may have been, the fleet was unable, from contrary winds, to get through the straits, except one small bark which got into the South Sea, and sailed along the whole coast, till it came to Chirimai and Arequipa , which is above 500 leagues, which were now explored; all the rest of the coast having been formerly discovered by Diego de Almagro, Francis Pizarro, and their people, at various times[105].

[105] Gomar. H.G. IV. xiv.

In January of the year 1545, Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos, formerly mentioned, came with his Spaniards to the isle of Moro [106], and the city of Camato , where he was well received by the kings of Gilolo and Tidore, and the people of the country; for I, Antonio Galvano, had then left the Moluccas; and they put the governor Don George de Castro to much trouble, and great expence. In the same year, 1545, Ruy Lopez de Villa Lobos, sent another ship from Tidore for New Spain, under the command of Ignatius Ortez de Rotha, and having Jaspar Rico as pilot, with orders to attempt the passage by the south side of the line. Ortez sailed to the coast of Papua, which he explored; and, as he knew not that Saavedra had been there formerly, he challenged the credit and honour of the discovery. Finding the natives of a black colour, with frizzled hair, he named the country on that account New Guinea. Thus, the memory of Saavedra was then almost lost, as every thing is apt to fall into oblivion, unless put upon record, and illustrated by writing.

[106] Probably Morty, the most north-easterly of the Moluccas.--E.

In June of this year, 1545, one Pedro Fidalgo, a Portuguese, sailed in a junk from the city of Borneo; but being driven to the north by contrary winds, he fell in with a large island, the south extremity of which lay in nine or ten degrees of north latitude, while it stretched to lat. 22° N. at its other end, which is called the island of Lu?ones, from the name of the nation by which it is inhabited. Perhaps it may have some other name, of which, as yet, we have not been informed. This island runs from the north for a great way directly south, and then takes a turn towards the south-east. It is said that Fidalgo sailed for 250 leagues along the coast of this island, which is in the midway-between Mindanao and China, and he reported that the land was fruitful, and well clothed with trees and verdure; and that the inhabitants will give two pezoes of gold for one of silver, although so near China, in which the relative value of these metals is so well understood.

In the year 1553, certain ships were sent out from England, which sailed to the northward, along the coast of Norway and Finmark, and from thence east, in seventy or eighty degrees of north latitude, till they came to Muscovy, to which country one of the ships penetrated; but I have not been able to learn what became of the rest. From the land of Muscovy, a ship may sail eastwards to Tartary, at the farthest extremity of which China is situated. It is reported that there is a wall above 200 leagues in length, between Tartary and China, in about lat. 50° N.

From all the preceding discoveries, it may be concluded, that, as the whole earth is 360 degrees, and the ancient writers allow 17-1/2 leagues for every degree, the entire circuit of the earth would thus be 6300 leagues; but as, in my opinion, each degree is exactly seventeen leagues, the circuit will then be only 6120 leagues. However this may be, the whole circuit of the globe has been discovered and sailed over, from east to west, even almost as it is encompassed and visited by the sun in its diurnal course. It is quite otherwise, however, in respect to the northern, and southern parts of the earth. For, towards the north pole, there has only been discovered hitherto to the latitude of 77° or 78°, which make an extent of 1347 leagues; and between the equinoctial and the south pole, there has only been discovered to the latitude of 52° or 53° south, or to the Straits of Magellan; which amounts to no more than 960 leagues. Now, adding these two together, their sum is just 2257 leagues: And, deducting this sum from 6300 leagues, there still remains to be discovered, in the north and south, 4043 leagues.

The journey of Ambrose Contarini, ambassador from the republic of Venice to Uzun-hassan, king of Persia, in the years 1473, 4, 5, and. 6, written by himself.

INTRODUCTION.

This relation of a journey into Persia, between the years 1473 and 1477, is from a collection of voyages and travels, principally in Asia, made in the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth , and fifteenth centuries , which was published at the Hague, in the French language, in 1735. That collection usually goes under the name of Bergeron , whose name appears on the title somewhat equivocally as the author; but who is mentioned in the advertisement as a writer belonging to the middle of the preceding century; and the only part of the work that can, be attributed to him, is a Treatise of Navigation, and of the Modern Voyages of Discovery and Conquest, especially those made by the French, &c. which serves as an introduction to this compilement. The editor of this collection gives no account of himself, or of the sources from whence he has derived his different articles; and only says, that the journal of Contarini was translated into French, that it might be published along with the other contents of his volume. From the Bibliotheque Universelle des Voyages , by G. Boucher de la Richarderie, a new work of great research, published at Paris in 1808, we learn that the journal of Contarini was published in Italian at Venice, in a duodecimo volume, in 1543. So far as is known to us, it now appears for the first time in an English translation. This article might have been more aptly placed towards the close of first part of the present collection, but escaped notice in proper time and it appears of too much importance, both in itself, and as an early document, to be omitted from punctilious attention to rigid systematic arrangement.

PREFACE OF THE AUTHOR.

"The illustrious republic of Venice, having done me the honour to appoint me ambassador to Uzun-Hassan, king of Persia, I accepted the employment with much pleasure, both that I might do acceptable service to my own country and for the general good of Christendom. I neither considered the difficulties nor the dangers of the journey, but placed my trust solely on the assistance of God; preferring the interests of my country, and of the Christian world, to my own ease and safety. On purpose to render my discoveries useful to the public, I have carefully and briefly recorded every circumstance deserving of attention, that occurred during my long and laborious journey; as relative to the provinces, cities, and places through which I travelled, and the manners and customs of the different nations among whom I sojourned. In short, I have omitted nothing deserving of notice, that occurred during my three years journey, having left Venice on the first day of Lent, in the year 1473, and having returned to my beloved country on the 24th of February in the year 1476[1]."

[1] In the latter part of this journey, the date of his return to Venice is the 10th of April.--E.

SECTION I.

The Ambassador, after passing through Germany, Poland, Russia, and the Tartarian Deserts, or Upper European Sarmatia, arrives at Caffa or Theodosia.

I left Venice on the 23d of February, in the year 1473, accompanied by the venerable priest Stephen Testa, who acted as my chaplain and secretary, and by Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, together with two servants, Maffei de Bergamo, and John Ungaretti, all of us disguised in ordinary German dresses, our money being concealed in the clothes of Stephen Testa. We went by water in the first place to the church of St Michael in Murano , where we heard mass, and received the benediction of the prior; after which, we mounted our horses, which were there in waiting, and reached Treviso[2] the same day. I anxiously wished to have procured some person to accompany us on the journey who knew the road, but could not meet with any, nor could I even procure a guide for hire. Leaving Treviso on the 24th, we arrived that day at Cogiensi, now called Cornegliano[3]; and knowing the dangers and difficulties we must experience during our long journey, we here confessed, and partook of the holy sacrament of the eucharist, after which we resumed our journey. We fortunately overtook a German, named Sebastian, who said he knew me and the object of my journey, and offered to keep us company to Nuremburgh. I gladly accepted of this person as a companion of our journey, inwardly thanking God for affording us a guide. We continued our journey to the frontiers of Germany, passing through several cities and castles, belonging to different princes and bishops, vassals of the empire, among which the city of Augsburg seemed one of the most beautiful. Not far from that place our German companion, Sebastian, left us, taking the road for Francfort. We parted from him with many embraces, giving him thanks for his numerous attentions, and mutually wishing each other a good journey.

[2] Called Tarvisin, in the original.--E.

[3] Called Conigiano, in the edition of Bergeron.--E.

Having procured a new guide, we arrived at Nuremburg on the 10th of March. This is a fine city, having a river running through the middle of it, and is defended by an excellent citadel. While here, I inquired of my landlord if there were any travellers going our way. He informed me that there were two ambassadors from the king of Poland then in the city, who, he was certain, would be happy to receive a visit from me. I therefore sent my chaplain, Stephen Testa, to inform these gentlemen of my being in Nuremburg, and of the purpose of my journey, and of my desire to pay them a visit. They received my message with much civility, and I accordingly went to wait upon them. These gentlemen were counsellors of state to his Polish Majesty, one of whom was an archbishop, and the other a knight, named Paul. After mutual compliments, I informed them that I proposed paying my respects to their sovereign, and was furnished with a passport. Notwithstanding the sorry equipage in which I travelled, they received me with much honour. I remained four days in Nuremburg, during which I formed a friendly intimacy with the Polish ambassadors, and then resumed my journey in their company, being likewise accompanied by an ambassador belonging to the king of Bohemia, eldest son of the king of Poland.

Departing from Nuremburg on the 14th of March, now nearly sixty horsemen in company, we crossed through Germany, always lodging in good cities or castles, some of which were extremely beautiful, both in respect to their situation and the excellence of their fortifications; but I omit describing them, as they are well known to travellers. The journey across Germany took us twelve days, during which we passed through the greater part of the dominions of the Maregrave of Brandenburg, and arrived at the imperial city of Francfort, a tolerably good and well fortified city on the Oder. We rested here till the 29th of March. As this city is near the confines of Poland, we had an escort of cavalry belonging to the Maregrave of Brandenburg, which accompanied us to the frontiers. These soldiers were well mounted and armed, and marched in good order. On the last day of March we arrived at Miedzyrzyez[4], which is a small city, but strong and pleasant, and is the first place on the frontiers of Poland. From that place till we reached Stragone , or Poznan, which took us three days journey, we saw no place worth notice. Poznan is particularly remarkable on account of a great fair, which is resorted to by many merchants. Leaving Poznan on the 3d of April, we arrived on the 9th at Lenczycz[5], where Casimir, king of Poland, then resided. In this journey we found neither cities nor considerable castles, and had much reason to remember Germany with regret, both on account of bad lodgings and every other circumstance. When my arrival was announced to the king, he sent two of his gentlemen to wait upon me, who assigned me a tolerably commodious lodging. Next day being Easter, when no business of any kind is transacted, I rested after the fatigues of the journey. On the following morning the king sent me a robe of black damask, according to the custom of the country, that I might go to court, which I did, accompanied by several persons of distinction, and had the honour to pay my respects to the king, according to the ceremonies of that court; after which I presented the letters of our illustrious republic to his majesty, and explained to him the nature of my commission. The king was pleased to invite me to dinner, which was served much in the same manner as with us, the dishes being in great abundance, and well dressed. As soon as dinner was over, I asked permission to retire, which was accordingly granted. Two days afterwards I was again sent for to court, when the king gave orderly answers to all the proposals which I had made in the name of our republic, and with so much benevolent attention towards me, that I learned by experience that he justly deserved the character of the best king who had reigned in Poland for a great many years. He was pleased to appoint me two guides, one of whom was to accompany me through Poland, and the other through lower Russia, to Kiow[6], or Magrano, which is the key of the kingdom. I humbly thanked his majesty in the name of the republic, and took my leave.

[4] This small city stands on a small river which runs into the Werta, at the western extremity of what was Poland, about sixty-seven miles from Poznan. It is called Messaricie in the original.--E.

[5] Lausicie in the original.--E.

[6] Named Chio in the original. The second name, Magrano, is afterwards called Magraman by Contarini, or his French translator.--E.

I left Lenczycz on the 14th of April, on my journey through Poland, which is a flat country, ornamented with many forests; but the great want of convenient lodgings is a sure proof that it is not very fertile, nor much abounding in the necessaries of life. On the 19th I arrived at Lublin, a tolerable city, defended by a citadel. The three sons of the king resided there at this time for their education. The eldest of these princes was about fourteen years of age, and the two others considerably younger. Learning that they wished to see me, providing that their father had not forbidden, I waited upon them, and was received with much politeness, the eldest conversing with me in the most obliging manner, and I observed that they behaved with much respect to their preceptor. I took my leave of them, returning thanks for their civilities, and they parted from me with as much courtesy as I had experienced in my reception. Leaving Lublin, and continuing our journey through Poland, we arrived on the 20th of April in lower Russia, which is subject to the king of Poland. In this part of our journey we travelled five whole days through thick woods, and, except meeting with a very few castles, we lodged for the most part in country houses. On the 25th, we came to a town named Jusch , which is defended by a wooden castle. We rested here for some time, yet not without danger, as the inhabitants were quite mad with drunkenness, on account of celebrating certain marriages. This country produces no wine, but the natives prepare a liquor from honey, which is stronger and more intoxicating even than wine. Leaving this place, we came to another village named Aitomir , in which likewise there is a wooden castle. During the whole of our journey of the 29th, we travelled through forests, in constant danger of robbers who infested all the roads, and we knew not where to pass the night, or to procure any refreshments, insomuch that we had to sleep in the woods, keeping strict watch lest we might be surprised by the banditti. On the 30th of April we reached Belligraoch , which signifies the white fort, where we were lodged in the royal palace, and passed the night with much inconvenience.

On the first of May we reached the city of Kiow [7], or Magraman. The governor of this city, which stands beyond the frontiers of Polish Russia, was a Polander and Catholic, named Pamartin . Immediately on learning my arrival from the guides sent along with me by the king, he appointed me a lodging, which was sufficiently small, considering the size of the city. He here visited me, and sent me a sufficient supply of provisions. This city serves as a barrier or frontier garrison against the Tartars, and is celebrated for a great fair, to which the merchants bring rich furs, and other goods from Upper Russia. From hence the merchants travel in a large caravan to Caffa or Theodosia in the Crimea; but are often surprised and very ill treated by the Tartars during their journey. The country about Kiow abounds in grain and cattle. The inhabitants of this place occupy the whole day in their affairs till three o'clock, employing all the rest, till night, in drinking and quarrels, the natural consequence of drunkenness. On the day of my arrival, governor Pamartin sent some of his gentlemen to invite me to dinner, which I accepted with as much politeness as I could express. He received me very honourably, offering me every service in his power, in the most obliging manner; saying, that he was ordered by the king of Poland to treat me in every thing as well as possible; on which I thanked him for his polite attentions, and endeavoured to recommend myself to his friendship. From him I was informed that he was in daily expectation of the arrival of an ambassador from Lithuania, going with presents to the prince of the Tartars, who was to have an escort of 200 Tartar horse; and, if I were inclined to take advantage of this opportunity, by which means I should travel in much greater safety, I had better wait the arrival of this ambassador. I accepted of this offer most willingly; and we then sat down to a magnificent entertainment; at which the bishop of Kiow, who was brother to the governor, and many other persons of consequence were present. We wanted nothing which could contribute to make the dinner pleasant. Good company, good cheer, and music during the repast. The only circumstance I did not like was, that it lasted too long; as I had more need for sleep and rest, after my fatiguing journey, than of all the good cheer that could be offered. In consequence, as soon as dinner was ended, I took my leave, and retired to my lodgings in the city; the governor living in the castle, which is only of wood. The city of Kiow stands on the river named anciently Boristhenes, and Danambre by the natives, which we Italians call Lerissa, and which falls into the Euxine.

[7] Named Chio in the original, but which must necessarily be Kiow, or Kieu, now belonging to Russia. The three formerly mentioned stages Jusch, Aitomir, and Belligraoch, must either be villages of too little importance to find a place in geographical maps, or their names are so corrupted as to be unintelligible. The direct road from Lublin to Kiow, passes through the palatinates of Russia, Wolhynia, and Kiow, provinces of ci-devant Poland, now annexed to the Russian empire.--E.

On the 10th of May[8], the ambassador of Lithuania arrived; and, as he was to set out next day after mass, I went to pay him my compliments, accompanied by M. Pamartin; who directed him, on the part of the king of Poland, to take care of me, and to conduct me in perfect safety to Theodosia. To this the ambassador answered, that he had every respect for the orders of his majesty, the sovereign arbiter of his life and death, and would carefully obey his orders. I thanked M. Pamartin for all his kindnesses, as he had frequently visited me, and had supplied me with every thing I needed for subsistence during my stay; and, as some token of my gratitude, I made him a present of a tolerably good German horse, which had carried me hitherto. We here parted with the rest of our horses, which were quite unfit for our farther use, and procured horses of the country for the remainder of our journey; and, on parting with the guides who had accompanied us to Kiow by orders of the king, I rewarded them for their attention and good conduct.

[8] The original says April, but attention to the context distinctly points out this necessary correction.--E.

I left Kiow on the 11th of May, along with the Lithuanian ambassador; and as I was unable to travel on horseback, on account of pains in my feet, I travelled in a carriage, which had served me for that purpose ever since I left the king of Poland at Lenczycz. The first place we came to was Cerca , belonging to the king of Poland, where we waited till the 15th, for the Tartar horse who came to escort us on our journey. After their arrival we set out on our journey through the great desert of Tartary, and came to the Boristhenes, which separates Tartary from Russia, and which is some miles broad[9]. As it was necessary to pass the river, our Tartars cut down some trees, the stems of which they fastened together into a raft, which was covered over by the branches, and upon which the whole of our baggage was placed. They fastened their horses by the tails to this raft, by which means it was dragged across the river, they themselves swimming along-side of their horses, and holding by their manes. We had likewise to swim our horses across, in which we succeeded, by the blessing of God, but in much fear and danger at this, to us, unusual mode of navigation. When we got over, we had to remain a whole day on the other side to collect and replace our baggage.

[9] From this circumstance it evidently appears that the journey from Kiow had hitherto been on the right or west of the Dnieper or Boristhenes, through the country of the Nogais Tartars, now forming the western portion of the Russian province of Catharinoslau; and we may suppose the wide part of that river they had now to cross to have been somewhere about Cherson.--E.

While among the Tartars, their officers eyed me with much attention and suspicion; and, during our new journey through the desert beyond the river, the Lithuanian ambassador informed me, by means of the interpreter, that the Tartar officers had come to a resolution to carry me to their prince, as they could not allow a person of my appearance to go on to Theodosia without his permission. I was much alarmed by this intelligence, believing that I should incur considerable risk of having the purposes of my journey frustrated by this measure, and, therefore, earnestly recommended to the ambassador to keep in mind the orders he had received on the part of the king of Poland respecting me, and the promises he had made to Pamartin; and I promised to make a present of a sword to the interpreter if he succeeded to extricate me from my embarrassment. The interpreter reported my fears and wishes to the ambassador, who succeeded, after drinking with the Tartars, in persuading them that I was of Genoa; and, by means of a present of fifteen ducats, he obtained permission for me to go direct for Theodosia. Our journey through the desert continued till the 9th of June, during which we suffered many hardships, having, at one time, been a whole day and night without water. At length it became necessary for us to part company, the Lithuanian ambassador and his escort taking the direct road to Bachiserai[10], at which place the prince of the Tartars resided. On this occasion, a Tartar was appointed to be our guide to Theodosia, and we parted from the escort, not without considerable apprehensions of some sudden attack from the Tartars, yet much satisfied at getting rid of that crew, for they smelt so abominably, from feeding on horse flesh, that it was quite intolerable to come near them.

[10] Named Arcercheriher in the French translation of Contarini; but which must necessarily be some corruption of Baschiserai, the residence of the khan of the Crim Tartars.--E.

Our whole company passed the ensuing night in carts covered with skins, in which we were soon surrounded by a great number of persons, inquiring who we were. On being informed by our Tartar guide that I was of Genoa, they supplied us with milk, and left us. Resuming our journey next morning early, we arrived that day, which was the 16th of June, at the suburbs of Theodosia, otherwise called Kaffa. Filled with gratitude for our preservation through so many dangers, we went privately into a church to give thanks to God for our safe arrival; and from thence I sent my interpreter to inform the Venetian consul of my arrival. He immediately sent his brother to wait upon me, advising me to remain where I was till night, when he carried me privately to a house belonging to him in the same suburb, where I was exceedingly well received. I here found Paulus Omnibamus, who had left Venice three months before me, under the orders of our illustrious republic.

SECTION II.

Contarini, leaving Kaffa, crosses the Euxine to the city of Phasis, whence he pursues his journey through Mingrelia, Georgia, and part of Armenia, into Persia .

It is impossible for me to give any exact description of the city of Kaffa, or Theodosia, or of its government, as the danger of incurring suspicion obliged me to remain continually at home; on which account I can only mention such particulars as I learned from others. It is situated on the Euxine, and is celebrated for a great fair, which is much frequented, on which account the city is very populous, and is said to be very rich and powerful. I hired a vessel belonging to Anthony Valdat, which lay in the Palus Meotis, to carry me to the city of Phasis . When I was ready to embark, I met with two Armenians, one of whom had been on an embassy to Rome, from Uzun Hassan, and was persuaded by them to prefer disembarking at Tina , about an hundred miles from Trebisond, instead of Phasis, alleging that from Tina it was only four hours journey to a castle named Arrius , which depended upon the king of Persia, and promising to conduct us to that place in safety. Although I was by no means satisfied with this advice, I allowed myself to be guided by the consul and his brother, who agreed in opinion with the Armenians. I accordingly left Kaffa on the 4th of June[1], accompanied by the consul, who went with me to the river, where our vessel was in waiting. I had formerly agreed with the master for our passage to Phasis at seventy ducats, but on occasion of the change in our destination, I was now obliged to pay an hundred. Being aware that I should not be able to meet with any person to serve us at the place we were going to, I used the precaution to hire nine men from Kaffa, to assist the mariners of our vessel, and to procure provisions for us in our journey through Georgia and Mingrelia.

[1] We have already seen that it was the 16th of that month when Contarini arrived at Kaffa. Much confusion has occurred in the dates of this journey, which we have no means of correcting, and must, therefore, be contented with them as they are--E.

We embarked on the 15th of June, and made sail across the Euxine, direct for Tina, but had hardly got twenty miles on our voyage, when a contrary wind sprung up from the east. Observing the mariners consulting together in an extraordinary manner, I became curious to know the purpose of their discourse. Accordingly, one Bernard, the brother-in-law of our captain, said to me that he understood we proposed going to Tina, but advised me by no means to do so; as a certain Subassa roamed about that neighbourhood with a band of cavalry, who would certainly make us slaves if we fell into his hands. On this advice I changed my purpose, and the wind becoming more favourable, we made sail for Liasi and Phasis, and arrived at Varsi on the 29th of June, where I disembarked my horses and baggage, and sent them from thence by land to Phasis, which is sixty miles from that place. Varsi is a castle, with a small village in Mingrelia, belonging to a lord named Gorbola , to whom likewise Caltichea [2], a place of small importance on the coast of the Euxine, is subject. The inhabitants of this country are very miserable, and the only productions are hemp, wax, and silk.

[2] The names of places in this journal are so corrupted as to be often quite unintelligible. Varsi may possibly be Vardon, in the district to the northwest of Mingrelia, named Abkhas; and Caltichea may perhaps be Sulhuali, a sea port about 30 miles to the east. Phasis probably refers to some town on the river of that name, perhaps Subastei.--E.

On the 1st of July we arrived near Phasis, followed by a vessel filled with Mingrelians, who seemed all to be fools or drunk. Quitting the vessel, we went up the river in a boat, passing an island in the mouth of the river, where Oetes, the father of Medea the enchantress, is said to have reigned. On this island we spent the night, and were sadly infested by midges. Next day we went up the river in the boat, passing the city of Asso, which stands on its banks in the midst of a forest. I here found one Nicholas Capella, of Modena, who commanded in these parts, and a Circassian woman named Martha, who had been the slave of a person of Genoa, but was now married. This Martha received me with much kindness, and with her I staid two days. Phasis is a city of Mingrelia, subject to prince Bendian, whose dominions extend only about three days journey in length. The country is very mountainous, and full of forests. The inhabitants are so fierce and savage, that they might be accounted wild beasts. Their principal drink is beer; they have some corn and wine, but in very small quantities; boiled millet being their ordinary food, which is a very poor kind of nourishment. They sometimes procure wine and salted fish from Trebisond, and import salt from Kaffa, without which they could not exist. Their only productions consist in a small quantity of hemp and wax. If they were industrious, they might procure abundance of fish, which are very numerous in their river. They are Christians, according to the Greek ritual, to which they have added many gross superstitions.

I left Phasis on the 4th of July, accompanied by Nicholas Capella, and crossed the river Mare on a float. That day and the next, we travelled through a considerable portion of Mingrelia, always among woods and mountains. Towards the evening of the 5th, we came to the habitation of prince Bendian, whom we found, with all his court, reclining on a plain, under the shade of some trees. I sent Nicholas Capella to inform him of my quality, and to ask permission to pay him my respects, which was accordingly granted. I saluted him, therefore, with great respect, as he sat on the ground with his wife and children, and he made me sit down beside him. After explaining the purpose of my journey, I requested he would have the goodness to appoint me a guide. He expressed his satisfaction at my arrival in his dominions, and granted my request. He afterwards sent me some bread, a piece of beef, and the head of a sow, but so under done, that it required the extreme necessity in which we then were to induce us to eat of his provisions; but when we cannot get what we like, we must put up with what can be had. We had to wait a whole day for the promised guide. The plain in which we found prince Bendian, is surrounded by very fine trees, resembling box, but much more lofty. The prince seemed about fifty years of age, and had a tolerably handsome countenance, but his manners were perfectly ridiculous.

On the 7th of July we continued our journey, always among woods and mountains, and next day passed the river which divides Mingrelia from Georgia, having to pass the night in the open air, and, what was worse, we had nothing to eat. On the 9th, we arrived at a small city named Cotachis [3], which is defended by a stone fort, and where we saw a temple that seemed very ancient. We had here to pass a bridge over a large river, before reaching the plain in which the huts of Plangion, king of Georgia, are situated. The fort and city of Cotachis belong to Plangion. I waited upon the commander of this place who invited me to dinner. He was seated on the ground, on which I, and those of my suite who accompanied me, and some friends of the governor, all sat down. Before us was laid a greasy skin, on which they served us with bread, radishes, some flesh, and other execrable articles with which I was not acquainted. They continually offered me wine in large goblets, to fill me drunk, according to their abominable customs, as they are as foolish and beastly as the Mingrelians. Finding that I would not join them in deep drinking, they held me in great contempt, insomuch that I found it extremely difficult to get leave to retire and to continue my journey. But at length they brought me a guide to conduct me to the king of Georgia.

[3] Probably Cutais in Imeritia, on the river Riene.--E.

I left Cotachis on the 12th of July; and, after travelling the whole day through woods and mountains, we rested for the night in a meadow at the foot of a mountain, near a castle named Scandes [4], in which king Pangrates [5] resides. My guide here left me on purpose to inform the king of my arrival; promising to return immediately with another guide to serve me during the rest of the journey. We had accordingly to pass the whole night in the wood, starving of hunger, and full of anxiety. The guide came back early in the morning, accompanied by two of the kings secretaries, who informed me that the king was gone to Cotachis, and had ordered them to make an inventory of all our baggage, and of every thing we had about us; after which we should be provided with a passport, to travel free from payment of any duties through the whole country. They proceeded accordingly in their examination and inventory with the most rigorous exactness, even noting down the very shirts we then wore. After this they ordered me to mount my horse, and to go along with them to the king, leaving all my people behind. I used my best endeavours to be excused from this; but, instead of listening to me, they loaded me with insolence; and the only favour I could obtain, and that with the utmost difficulty, was permission to take my interpreter along with me. We accordingly resumed our journey, without meat or drink, and arrived much fatigued at Cotachis towards night; where my interpreter and me were left all night to our repose under a tree, where, indeed, they sent us some bread and fish.

[4] Perhaps Sarassan, about forty miles S. E. from Cutais.--E.

[5] Apparently the same prince named Plangion a little before.--E.

The remainder of my people were taken to a miserable village, where they were left in charge of the priest; and our mutual anxiety may be easily guessed.

Next morning I was carried before the king, whom I found sitting on the ground in a hut, surrounded by several of his nobles. After paying my respects, he asked me a great number of questions, and among the rest, how many kings there were in the world? It came into my fancy to answer that there were twelve. On which he signified that I was right, and that he was one of the number; and that he was much surprised that I should come into his dominions without bringing him a letter from my sovereign. To this I answered, that when I left my own country, I did not expect to travel through his dominions, otherwise my sovereign would assuredly have given me letters in charge for his majesty; and with this answer he seemed satisfied. He asked many other extraordinary questions, from which I conjectured that my guide had maliciously represented me as carrying many valuable things; and it is probable, if this had been the case, that I had never been allowed to escape out of their hands. The royal secretaries endeavoured to persuade me that I ought to make the king a present of any article that might strike his fancy among my small baggage; but I got off without making any present, except compliments, and requesting him to appoint some one to conduct me through his dominions. This he was pleased to promise, as likewise to give me a free passport, without paying any duties, as I carried no merchandize. Accordingly, I took my leave of the king on the 14th of July, returning to the tree I formerly mentioned as my lodging, where the secretary brought me the promised passport and a guide. I then returned to my people at the village where they were kept in my absence, and was received with much joy, as the priest had represented the king as the cruellest tyrant in the world. My people could not contain themselves for excess of joy at my safe return, and even the miserable priest was so touched at the scene, that he provided us with something to eat, and we slept there that night as well as we could.

Next day, being the 15th of July, we provided ourselves with some bread and wine, to comfort ourselves on the way, and resumed our journey through thick forests and terrible mountains, which continued for two days. In the evening of the 16th, we stopt near a spring, where we remained during the night in the open air, being obliged to light a fire on account of the coldness of the weather, though in the middle of summer. On the 17th of the same month we arrived at Goride [6], which belongs to the king of Georgia. This city is built on a plain, watered by a large river, and is defended by a citadel which is built upon a rock. Our guide notified our arrival to the commandant, who ordered us a house for our lodgings, apparently for the purpose of extorting a present; for shortly afterwards he informed me that he had letters from the king, by which he was ordered to receive twenty-six ducats from me for himself, and that I should pay six to my guide. I endeavoured to evade this demand, by saying that the king had received me favourably, to whom I had already given seventy ducats, and could not give any thing more, and urged my free passport. But he would listen to nothing I could urge, and I was forced to comply with his extortion. He even detained me till the 19th of the month, and even then I had extreme difficulty to get leave to depart. The inhabitants of the city, who deserve rather to be ranked among beasts, looked at us with as much astonishment as if they had never seen any other men than ourselves. They told us that, on the top of a high mountain in a neighbouring forest, there was a great church, in which was an image of the Virgin, which worked many miracles, and that the church was served by forty monks, whom they named Calojeriens [7]. But our anxiety to get out of this abominable country, prevented us from paying our devotions at that famous church. Georgia, indeed, is a somewhat better country than Mingrelia, but the manners of the people and their way of living is equally brutal; and such were the distresses and difficulties I encountered in travelling through both, that it would be tedious to relate them. On the 20th of July we left the abominable city of Goride, where we had suffered so many vexations, and continued, our journey through forests and over mountains, occasionally falling in with villages where we purchased provisions. We had always to pass the nights on the ground near some spring or rivulet, during most part of our journey through Mingrelia and Georgia.

[6] Gori in Georgia, on the river Kur. The journey hitherto must have been through Mingrelia, then apparently subject to the prince or king of Georgia.--E.

[7] Probably Caloyers.--E.

SECTION III.

Arrival of Contarini at Tauris or Ecbatana, the royal city of Uzun- Hassan, and continuation of his journey through Persia to Ispahan, where the king then resided.

On the 22d of July we began to ascend a mountain of prodigious height, insomuch, that when night came on we had scarcely reached the top, where we had to pass the night without water. Resuming our journey in the morning, we descended the other side of the mountain, and entered the province of Armenia, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan[1]. In the evening we were conducted to a fort named Reo, which stands in the plain, between a deep river and a high mountain, and which is garrisoned by Turks in the service of Uzun-Hassan, but the neighbouring village is inhabited by Armenians. We rested in this place till the 25th of July, waiting the arrival of a guide to direct us in the remainder of the journey, and being well treated by the inhabitants, we rewarded them to their satisfaction. The Armenian who had joined us at Kaffa, under pretence of being an ambassador from Uzun-Hassan to the Pope, was recognized by the inhabitants of this village as an impostor and a notorious robber, and many were astonished how we had escaped from his machinations: I got rid of him therefore immediately, and made him restore me a horse which I had lent him for the journey; after which I procured a priest of an honest character to conduct me to Tauris. Leaving Reo with my new guide on the 26th of July, we ascended a mountain, and came on the other side to a plain surrounded by hills, where we found a village inhabited by Turks, near which we had to pass the night in the open air, though the inhabitants treated us with decent civility. Next morning we departed before day, having to pass another mountain, on the side of which was a village inhabited by Turks, among whom we should have run extreme hazard of our lives if they had seen us; but by using much diligence we avoided this danger, and got down into an extensive plain, full of fine pastures, and travelled with great expedition that we might pass the night at a respectable distance from the lawless inhabitants of the hills. On the 29th we passed the mountain of Noah, or Ararat , which is so lofty that it is covered with snow the whole year. We were told that many who had attempted to reach the top of this mountain had never been more heard of, while others, on making the same attempt, said, on their return, that it was quite inaccessible.

[1] Uzun-Hassan in the Turkish language signifies Hassan the long, which prince was likewise named Hassan-beg, or Lord Hassan, and Ozun-Azembeg, or the long lord Azem or Hassan. By different European writers his name has been corrupted into Unsun Cassan, Uxun-Cassan, and Usum- Chasan. He was a Turkman emir of the Ak-koyunla dynasty, or white sheep tribe, whose ancestor, the governor of a province under the descendants of Timor, had rendered himself independent in the north and west of Persia.--E.

From this place forwards we travelled through extensive plains intermixed with hills, and arrived on the 30th of July at a castle named Chiagri , inhabited by Armenians. Finding abundance of bread, wine, and poultry in this place, we rested here for a day, and then set out with a new guide for Ecbatana or Tauris. Leaving Chiagri towards evening of the 1st August, we came next day to an Armenian village at the foot of a mountain, where we had to cross a river in boats, and were informed that Uzun-Hassan had formerly gained a great victory near this place over the Tartars, having hemmed them into a corner, where their army wasted away with famine and disease. The ruler of these Tartars, named Sultan Buzech [2], was made prisoner, and was afterwards put to death. We here saw, on our left hand, eleven Armenian villages, near each other, who were Catholic Christians, their bishop being under submission to the Roman pontiff. The country is extremely agreeable, and is the most fertile of all the provinces of Persia. We arrived on the 3d of August at a large village called Marerich, near which we passed the night, and had to ride all the next day through a plain country exposed to great heat, which was greatly aggravated, as we could not procure a single drop of water for ourselves or our horses. On the way we met several Turkmans, whose custom it is to encamp here and there about the country, wherever they can find pasture for their cattle, and to change their residence as the pastures become exhausted. These people are abominable robbers, and look upon rapine as their highest glory; and as we had great reason to be afraid of them, I gave orders to all my people to tell whoever we met, that I was journeying to wait upon their sovereign, which was the only expedient for saving us from their violence.

[2] This prince, whose real name was probably Abu Said, was the emir of the Kara-koyunla dynasty, or black sheep tribe of the Turkmans, who had risen to independence after the death of Timor, and who had long contended with the prince of the white sheep tribe for ascendancy. These two tribes derived their distinctive appellations of the black and white weathers, from some peculiarity in their ensigns or dress, equivalent to the distinguishing uniforms and banners of our European armies.--E.

We arrived on the 4th of August at the city of Ecbatana or Tauris [3], which stands in a plain, and is surrounded by an earthen rampart in bad repair. There are high mountains in its neighbourhood, which are said to be the Taurus of the ancients. I here lodged with a very good man, who gave us two sleeping chambers, a convenience we had been long unused to. He was quite astonished how we should have been able to escape the dangers of our journey, as all the roads were blocked up; and on asking him the reason, he told us that Ogurlu Mohammed[4], the eldest son of Uzun-Hassan, had rebelled against his father, and had taken possession of Sylas [5] or Persepolis, of which he had appointed his younger brother Khalil [6] as governor. Uzun-Hassan had assembled an army to reduce Persepolis and his sons to obedience; but a certain satrap named Zagarli who commanded in the neighbouring mountains, favoured the cause of Ogurlu, and had ravaged the whole country, to the very gates of Tauris, with a body of 3000 horse, owing to which, all the roads were obstructed and unsafe. He farther informed us, that the governor of Tauris had one day issued forth to endeavour to put a stop to the marauders, but had been defeated by Zagarli, with the loss of most of his troops, and had even great difficulty in escaping back to the city. I inquired why the inhabitants of Tauris did not take arms in their own defence, in a time of so much danger; but he answered, although they were obedient to the governor, they were quite unused to war. On learning the state of affairs in this place, I resolved to leave it as soon as possible, that I might get to the king; but I could neither procure a guide, nor prevail on the governor to shew me any favour. By the advice of my landlord I kept myself very much concealed, and employed my interpreter and Augustin of Pavia, whom I had brought with me from Kaffa because he understood a little Persian, to purchase our provisions, in which employment they were exposed to much ill treatment, and were often in hazard of their lives.

[3] Called Tebriz in modern times.--E.

[4] In the original this name is corrupted to Gurlumamech; but we learn from the Modern Universal History, that his real name was that expressed in the text of our translation.--E.

[5] The ruins supposed to be those of Persepolis are situated near Istakar, about forty miles north from the modern city of Shiraz, in the province of Fars or Persia proper; but the names in the original are often so corrupted as to defy even conjecture. Sylas is probably meant for Shiras.--E.

[6] Named Chali in the original; but it is to be noted that the ch of the Italian is pronounced as k in English.--E.

Some days afterwards, one of the sons of Uzun-Hassan, named Masu-beg[7], came to Tauris with 1000 horse, to defend the city from the incursions of Zagarli. I waited on this prince, having great difficulty to obtain an audience, telling him that I was sent as ambassador to his father, and had need of guides, whom I prayed him to provide me; but it was quite ineffectual, as he hardly deigned to answer me, and took no kind of interest in me or my affairs, so that I was obliged to return disappointed to my lodgings. Masu-beg endeavoured to raise money from the inhabitants of Tauris for the purpose of levying soldiers, but they resisted his demands, and all the shops of the city were shut up. In this emergency, being unable to procure provisions, I was obliged to quit my lodgings, with all my people, taking refuge in an Armenian church, where they gave us a small place in which to keep our horses; and I ordered all my people to keep constantly within doors, to avoid meeting with injury. My apprehensions on this occasion may easily be conceived; but God, who had already protected us in so many dangers, was mercifully pleased to deliver us from that which now hung over us. On the 7th of September, Bertonius Liompardus [8], whom I had before seen at Kaffa, and who had been sent by our illustrious republic, arrived at Tauris. He was accompanied by his nephew, named Brancalione , and having come by way of Trebisond was a month later than me in reaching Tauris. I now dispatched Augustin de Pavia, of whom I have before made mention, with letters to the republic of Venice, in which I gave an account to the senate of all that had happened to us hitherto. I sent this man by way of Alapia, where he at length arrived in good health, after having escaped many dangers.

[7] It is difficult to determine whether Contarini here means Maksud-beg or Masih-beg, as Uzun-Hassan had two sons of these names; Maksad was the elder, and may have been the person named in the text Masu. Bec or Beg signifies Lord or Prince.--E.

[8] The person mentioned before by Contarini as a messenger from Venice, and whom he met with at Kaffa, was named on that occasion Paulus Omnibamus, totally dissimilar from the name in this part of the text. --E.

Although I remained in Tauris till the 22d of September, I was not able to acquire any exact knowledge of the city, having been forced to conceal myself the whole time. It is a large city, but its territory in some places is uncultivated, and I believe nowhere very populous; it abounds, however, in all the necessaries of life, but these are dear. Much silk is produced in this neighbourhood, which is exported by way of Alapia. A considerable quantity of cloth is manufactured in the place, which likewise abounds in various merchandize, but I did not hear of any pearls or precious stones. Fortunately for us a Cadilaskir, one of the counsellors of Uzun-Hassan, arrived about this time at Tauris, who returned from an embassy into Turkey, where he had unsuccessfully endeavoured to negociate a peace between his master and the Turkish government. Immediately on learning the arrival of this person, I used every effort to procure an interview, in which I succeeded, and by means of a present, I prevailed on him to admit me and my retinue into his suite. He received me with much civility, and granted all I asked, assuring me that, with the blessing of God, he would conduct me in safety to the king. Among his slaves there were two Illyrian renegadoes, who formed a strict intimacy with my people, to whom they promised to give every assistance in their power, and to give us due notice of the departure of their master, which they faithfully performed, and for which I rewarded them.

On the 22d of September we departed from Tauris with the Persian counsellor, accompanied likewise by a great many merchants and others, who took the advantage of travelling under his protection, from fear of being plundered by the rebels. This country in which we now travelled was quite level, with very few hills, so dry that we saw no trees except along the sides of rivers, and having only a few small villages, in which we purchased what was necessary for our journey, and always rested before mid-day in the open air, being unable to travel during the height of the sun, on account of the great heat. Travelling in this manner, we arrived at Sultanie on the 27th of September. This city appeared to be very handsome, surrounded by walls, and defended by a good citadel. We saw here three most curious brazen gates, which had been made at Damascus, the finest things I ever beheld, which must have cost a great deal of money. The city of Sultanie stands in a plain at the foot of a range of mountains, some of which are exceedingly steep and precipitous, and the inhabitants of which are forced to remove into lower situations during winter, on account of the severity of the cold. We remained there for three days, and resumed our journey on the 30th of September, travelling sometimes in plains, and sometimes among hills, but always taking up our quarters for the night in the open air.

On the 6th of October we arrived at Sena [9], a city without walls, situated in a plain on the banks of a river, and surrounded by trees, in which city we passed the night in tolerably bad quarters. We departed from thence on the 8th, and stopping, according to our usual custom, in the fields, I was seized with a violent intermittent fever, insomuch that I could hardly get on horseback next day, and that with infinite distress. We arrived early next day at Kom, where I was forced to stop, all my attendants being seized in a similar manner with myself, except our priest Stephen Testa, who took care of us all. Our fever was so malignant that we were all delirious during the height of the access or hot fit. I was afterwards informed that the royal counsellor sent to visit me, begging my excuse that he could not wait for me, because it was necessary for him to repair without delay to the king; but that he had left one of his attendants with me as a guide, and that I need not now be under any apprehension, as there were none in that part of the country to do me harm. I remained here a long time sick. The city of Sena or Sava is not large, and has mud walls, being situated in a champaign country, which is well peopled, and abounds in every thing necessary to life.

[9] Assuredly the Sava of modern maps, a city of Irac-agemi, which stands upon one of these extraordinary rivers, so numerous in Persia, which lose themselves in the sands, after a short but useful run.--E.

On the 24th of October, being much recovered, we resumed our journey, though I was still so weak as to find much difficulty in sitting on horseback. Next day we arrived, at the city of Cashan[10], which very much resembles Kom, except that it is somewhat handsomer. On the following day, we came to Nethas , or Nathan. This city stands likewise in a flat country, which produces much wine. I remained here one day, both to recruit my strength, and because I felt some return of my fever. On the 28th of October, I prepared as well as I was able to finish my journey, which was all on plain ground, and arrived at Ispahan, where Uzun-Hassan then resided, on the 3d of November, having employed twenty- four days in our journey from Tauris to this place. I immediately sought out the dwelling of Josaphat Barbaro[11], the ambassador of Venice, and went to him. He received, me with much joy, and many embraces were mutually given and received, and we rejoiced together on my safe arrival. But as I had much need of rest, I very soon went to bed. When the king heard of my arrival, he sent some of his slaves to congratulate me, who presented me with some refreshments sent by his majesty.

[10] About sixty miles S. S. E. from Kom. I am disposed to think that Contarini has slumpt his journey on the present occasion; as it is hardly to be believed a person in the weak state he describes himself could have travelled with so much rapidity. Besides, so far as we can learn from his journal, he travelled always with the same set of horses. Indeed the sequel immediately justifies this suspicion, as the subsequent dates are more distant than the travelling days of the text would warrant.--E.

[11] See Travels of Josaphat Barbaro to Asof in 1436, in our Collection, Vol I. p. 501, in the introduction to which article, it will be seen that he had been sent on an embassy from Venice to Uzun-Hassan in 1572, two years before Contarini; and appears to have remained in the east for fourteen years in that capacity, after the departure of Contarini on his return to Venice.--E.

Early in the morning of the 4th November, some of the kings slaves came to require that Josaphat Barbaro and I should come to court. On being introduced to an audience, we found the king attended by eight of his principal officers. Having made my obeisance after the manner of the country, I presented the letters of the republic, and explained the subject of my mission[12]. When I had finished speaking, he answered me in every point, and in few words; and, among other things, he excused his conduct in having been obliged to retire to this part of his kingdom. After this we were ordered to be seated, and his courtiers gave us an entertainment according to the Persian fashion, which consisted of many dishes tolerably well dressed. After the repast, we took leave of the king, and retired to our quarters. Two days afterwards, we were again sent for to court, when most of the royal apartments were shewn me. The king then resided in a very pleasant country palace, situated on the banks of a river. In one of the rooms, there was a painting of Ogurlu- Mohammed, the kings eldest son, leading the sultan Busech , or Abu Sa?d, tied with a rope; and in another picture the decapitation of Busech was represented. We were again invited to an entertainment, at which many different kinds of confections were served up. We remained at Ispahan till the 25th of November, during which period we were frequently invited to court. The city of Ispahan, like the rest of the Persian cities, is surrounded by earthen-ramparts. It stands in a plain, and is abundantly supplied with all the necessaries of life. Having rebelled against the king, it was besieged and suffered much injury; for, being obstinately defended, it was subjected to the resentment of the conqueror and the fury of the soldiers.

[12] This nowhere distinctly appears; but we may easily understand incidentally, and from the history of the period, that the Venetian republic endeavoured to stir up enemies to the Turkish empire in the east, being unable to resist its power, now exerted against them in the Morea and the Greek islands; and we may even surmise that Uzun- Hassan was subsidized by the Venetians to make war upon the Turks.--E.

Persia is a very flat and arid country, in many parts of which there are salt lakes. In such parts as can be supplied with water, grain and other fruits of the earth are produced in abundance, and there are plenty of beasts of all kinds, as it is everywhere intersected and surrounded by fertile mountains, but every thing is very dear. The Venetian quart of wine is sold for three or four ducats; but bread is not so dear in proportion. A camels load of wood costs a ducat. Flesh is dearer than with us, and seven hens cost a ducat; but other articles of provisions are cheaper. The Persians are a civil and humane people; and though Mahometans, they do not hate the Christians. The women are very modestly dressed, and ride on horseback with even more grace than the men; and, judging from the good appearance of the men, the women are probably handsome.

SECTION IV.

Contarini accompanies Uzun-Hassan from Ispahan to Tauris, where he finds Ambassadors from the Duke of Burgundy and the Prince of Muscovy, and gets leave to return to Venice.

The king left Ispahan with all his court on the 25th of November for Tauris, and we travelled along with him, passing through most of the places which we had seen in going to Ispahan. In this journey we always slept in tents in the fields, and the camp was well supplied with provisions, as many merchants had received orders to provide grain, victuals of all kinds, and all sorts of necessaries. On the 14th of November we arrived at Kom, where we remained two days under tents, exposed to extremely cold weather, and experienced much difficulty to procure a small house in which to shelter ourselves. We continued at this place till the 21st of March 1474, during which interval we went frequently to court, to pay our respects to the king, on which occasions we were generally invited to dinner. The Persian court is very magnificent, being attended by many high officers of state, and every day 400 persons dine along with the king. These are all seated on the ground, and are served in copper basons with boiled rice, or some other mess made of flesh and grain boiled together; but the king is served in great magnificence at a separate table, with a great variety of dishes of different kinds of meat. During his meals, the king is often served with wine, and then the musicians sing and play upon flutes such songs and tunes as the king pleases to order. The king is of a good size, with a thin visage and agreeable countenance, having somewhat of the Tartar appearance, and seemed to be about seventy years old. His manners were very affable, and he conversed familiarly with every one around him; but I noticed that his hands trembled when he raised the cup to his lips. It is not needful that I should enumerate all the audiences which I had on the subject of my mission, of which I shall make occasional mention hereafter.

On the 21st of March the king and all the court left Kom, on their journey towards Tauris, the baggage being carried by camels and mules. Each day we hardly exceeded ten or twelve, or at the most twenty Italian miles, and always stopt at each encampment till the forage in the neighbourhood was consumed. The Persian mode of travelling is thus: The women always arrive first at the new camp, where they set up the tents and cook provisions for their husbands. They are well clothed and ride upon good horses, which they manage with much dexterity. The Persian nation is very magnificent, and exceedingly fond of pomp, and shew, and it is very agreeable to see their march at some distance. They are very careful of their camels, of which they have great numbers, even the poorest seldom travelling with less than seven of these animals; by this means, the prodigious train which attends the court appears to consist of many more persons than it actually contains. When the king entered Ecbatana, his suite consisted of about 2000 persons, but many left the camp on the march, as it suited their fancy or convenience, and the king never had above 500 horse along with him. The royal tents were exceedingly beautiful and magnificent, and his bed was ornamented with scarlet hangings. The merchants who attended the camp sold every thing at a high price. All of our party were accommodated with tents, as we belonged to the suite of the king, who often honoured us with an invitation to supper, and at other times frequently sent us refreshments. We were always treated with much civility, and never received any injuries or affronts.

On the 31st of May the king encamped about fifteen miles from Tauris, when a certain monk of the Boulonnois named Louis, who called himself patriarch of Antioch, and envoy from the Duke of Burgundy, arrived at the camp, attended by five horsemen. The king asked if we knew him, and we accordingly told what we knew without dissimulation. Next day the king gave him an audience, at which we were present by command. This patriarch presented to the king three robes of gold tissue, three others of scarlet silk, and some of fine cloth, and opened his commission, making many great offers of service from his prince, and many fine promises in very magnificent terms, which do not appear proper for me to repeat, and which the king did not seem to care much about. We were all invited to dinner, during which the king started many questions, to which he gave very pertinent answers himself. After dinner we returned to our tents.

On the 2d of June we arrived at Tauris, in which place lodgings were appointed for us. Six days afterwards, Uzun-Hassan sent for the patriarch and us to court; and although he had three or four times informed me already that I must prepare to return into Italy, leaving my colleague Barbaro at his court, I could not reconcile myself to the journey, and had done every thing in my power to put off my departure. When we went to court, the king addressed himself first to the patriarch, whom he ordered to return to his prince, and to say from him, that he, the king, would very shortly declare war against the Turks, having already taken the field with that view, and that he never failed in performing his promises. He then turned to me, saying, "Return to your country, and tell your masters that I shall very soon make war upon the Ottomans, and desire them to do their duty as I shall do mine. I know no one better fitted to carry this message than you, who have accompanied me from Ispahan, and have seen my preparations; so that you are able to inform the Christian princes of all that you have seen, and of my good intentions." I offered several reasons for excusing myself from obeying these commands, which gave me much vexation; but the king looked at me with a severe expression of countenance, saying, "It is my pleasure for you to go, and I command you. I shall give you letters for your masters, which will inform them of my sentiments and the reasons of your return." In this state of embarrassment, I was advised by the patriarch and M. Josaphat to comply with a good grace; on which I replied to the king as follows: "My departure, Sir, gives me much distress; but since you judge it proper, I make no more objections, and am ready to obey your orders. Wherever I may go, I shall speak of your great power and goodness, and the honours I have received from your majesty, and shall exhort all the princes of Christendom to join their forces with you against the common enemy." My speech pleased the king, and he answered me kindly according to his wonted manner. After retiring from this andienqe, the king sent some Persian robes to the patriarch and me, made of fine stuff and very beautifully ornamented, and presented each of us with a horse and some money to assist us during our journey.

We remained two days at Tauris after the kings departure, and set out on the 10th of June to rejoin the court, which was then encamped in a pleasant spot among excellent pastures and plenty of fine wells; about twenty-five miles from Tauris. We remained there till the pastures were eaten bare, and then marched about fifteen miles farther. On the 27th of June the king gave us our final audience, at which he gave us presents for our respective sovereigns; that is to say, to the patriarch for the Duke of Burgundy; to myself for the republic; and to one Marcus Ruffus, who had come with an embassy from the prince of Muscovy. The presents consisted in certain pieces of workmanship made in the European fashion, two swords, and certain ornaments for the head, which are usually fastened to bonnets. There were two Persian ambassadors in the audience- chamber, one of whom was destined on a mission into Russia. At length the king turning towards the patriarch and me, addressed us nearly as follows: "You will return with all speed to your masters, and will tell them and all the other Christian princes from me, that I have used all diligence in taking the field to make war on the Turks, as it had been concerted between them and me. The emperor of the Turks is at present in Constantinople, and will make no enterprize of importance this year. As for myself, I propose sending one part of my army to reduce my rebellious son, and another against the Turkish generals, while I shall remain here at hand, to act against the enemy as occasion may require." He gave orders, both to us and to his own ambassadors, to report this to all the princes of Christendom. I did not receive these orders with more satisfaction than I had done the former; but I had no means of escape and must necessarily obey. Wherefore, having taken our leaves, we prepared for our departure, and were unexpectedly commanded to remain till next day. In the mean time, he conveyed a great part of his infantry during the night to the other side of a mountain. Next morning early, the Ruiscasson , or conductor of ambassadors, carried us to the top of the hill, as meaning to confer with us on some important subject, and on the appearance of the Persian infantry under march, he pointed them out to us as if he had been surprised at seeing so many additional troops coming to the royal camp. The better to favour this deception, some of his slaves exclaimed as astonished, that there were a great many soldiers, and that at least 10,000 were coming to reinforce the army. But we easily saw through the contrivance, and were certain that these pretended new troops were merely the ordinary royal escort, which had only changed their position to impose upon us. After this little comedy, the Ruiscasson gave us the royal letters for our masters, and we returned to our tents. From the information of M. Josaphat and others, the military force of this king cannot exceed 20,000 cavalry, some of whom have wooden bucklers about eighteen inches long. Others have a kind of cuirasses made of very thin plates of steel, which they wear over their ordinary habits. Their usual arms are bows and arrows, and cimeters, while some have small leathern targets covered with silk, and others carry helmets and cuirasses. Their horses are beautiful and vigorous, and very numerous. In regard to the manners of the Persians, and the state of the kingdom, I shall mention what I know of these subjects as occasion may offer during the recital of my travels; but I do not think it proper to weary my readers with any lengthened detail.

SECTION V.

Journey of Contarini from Persia, through Georgia and Mingrelia, to the city Phasis.

Being entirely ready to depart on the 1st of July, we took leave of M. Josaphat Barbaro in his tent, when we mutually shed tears in sincere grief at our separation. Having recommended myself to the protection of God, I mounted on horseback, and began my journey, accompanied by the patriarch of Antioch, Marcus Ruffus the Muscovite, and the two Persian ambassadors, intending to return by way of Phasis, which is under the dominion of Uzun-Hassan. To this route we were advised by certain birds of bad augury, who were omens of the terrible dangers we had to encounter in the sequel. Coming to the villages of the catholic Armenians, formerly mentioned, we were well received by their bishops, and attended the mass regularly during three days that we had to remain here, laying in a stock of provisions for the journey. From thence we came to the frontiers of Georgia, travelling through plains interspersed with hills, and arrived on the 12th of July at Typsi [1], which is subject to the king of the Georgians. This city stands upon a hill, at the foot of which runs the river Tigre , and it is defended by a good castle on the summit of an eminence. It was formerly a celebrated place, but is at present almost utterly ruined, though beginning to revive, and contains many good catholics. In this place we took up our lodgings with a person named Arminius, of the catholic faith. In travelling through Georgia, we found a few villages composed of huts, and some castles among the mountains, but these were rare and distant.

[1] This in all probability is a corruption of Tiflis, or Teffliz, the capital of Georgia Georgia, which is situated on the river Kur or Cyrus, erroneously named Tigre in the text. The proper name of this country is Gurgi-stan, or the country of the Gurgi which has been corrupted by the Europeans into Georgia.--E.

On the 19th of July, being near the frontiers of Mingrelia, we chanced to meet with Pangratius, king of Georgia, in the midst of a forest surrounded by mountains, and went to pay our respects to him, when he invited us to dinner. We had to sit on the ground, having a skin spread before us instead of a table-cloth, and were served with roasted meat and fowls, very ill dressed; but, by way of making amends, they frequently presented us with large goblets of wine, as they seem to place all dignity and merit in deep drinking. For this reason it is their custom, at the conclusion of their meals, to challenge one another to drink, and he who empties the greatest number of goblets, is held in highest esteem. As the Turks drink no wine, their presence was some restraint that day on their usual bacchanalian contests, and as we neither could nor would compete with them, we were held in great contempt. The king was about forty years old, and of large make, with a strong resemblance to the Tartar countenance. We parted from the king of Georgia next day, and on the 22d of July, on the confines of Mingrelia, we fell in with a Georgian commander at the head of some troops, both cavalry and infantry who was posted in this place to prevent injury from the disorders that had broke out in Mingrelia, in consequence of the death of Bendian, prince of that country. These people stopped, and frightened us with, many cruel menaces; but at length, after being robbed of two quivers full of arrows, and having to gratify them with some money, we escaped from them, and made the best of our way to a distance. Leaving the public road, we struck off into a thick wood, where we passed the night in prodigious apprehension.

On the following day, while approaching the city of Cotati [2], we met some peasants in a narrow pass, who prevented us for some time from going forwards, and even threatened to put us to death. After much altercation, and many threats, they seized three horses belonging to the Turks[3], which were with great difficulty redeemed for twenty ducats. On the evening we reached Cutais, which is a royal fortress. While passing a bridge over a river, early in the morning of the 24th of July, we were again attacked by robbers, who came upon us suddenly, and, after many threats, forced us to pay the full value of our horses, before they would allow us to continue our journey. After passing this bridge, we entered Mingrelia, where we followed our wonted custom of sleeping under the canopy of heaven, though we had many worse inconveniencies and dangers to encounter: for, on the 25th of July, having passed over a river by means of rafts, we were conducted to the dwelling of a certain lady, named Maresca , sister of the deceased prince Badian, who received us at first with much civility, and treated us with bread and wine, after which we were conducted into a field belonging to her, which was close shut on all sides. On the morrow, when we were about to depart, we offered her a present of twenty ducats, as a return for her hospitality, which at first she pretended to refuse; but we soon discovered her treachery, as she insisted on our paying two ducats as a ransom for each of our horses. We expressed our astonishment at this rapacity, and endeavoured to represent our inability to comply with such exorbitant demands, but all to no purpose, and we were forced to comply, being afraid that she might even have plundered us of every thing.

[2] Cutais in Imeritia, named Cotachis on a former occasion in the text. --E.

[3] These Turks must have been the Persian ambassadors of Uzun-Hassan;--E.

Leaving this rapacious dame, we arrived at Phasis on the 27th of July, some on horseback and others in boats, where we again lodged with Martha the Circassian lady, whom I formerly mentioned. After having run many risks in our journey, we here learnt a piece of most afflictive news, that the Turks had taken possession of Kaffa or Theodosia in the Crimea, by which we were deprived of our last resource, and shut out apparently from every hope of continuing our voyage homewards. Our distress on receiving this intelligence may easily be conceived, and, in fact, we were so much cast down, as not to know what measures to pursue, or to which hand to turn us. Louis, the patriarch of Antioch, resolved upon going through Tartary and Russia, with which route he was acquainted. It was to no purpose that I urged the promises we had mutually come under at the beginning of our journey, never to separate on any account. To this he answered, that the unforeseen circumstances which had occurred, were a sufficient warrant to every one to consult his own individual safety. I insisted and beseeched him not to treat me with such unfeeling cruelty, but all in vain, for he prepared to set off along with the Turkish ambassador, who had been sent by Uzun-Hassan as his particular companion. In this extremity I went to Marcus Ruffus, and the Turkish ambassador who was joined with him by the king of Persia, to whom I mentioned my intention of returning back to Uzun-Hassan. They pretended to approve my plan, and even to join me, and we embraced as entering, into promise of keeping together; but they secretly came to a determination of taking their journey through the province of Gorgore , which is subject to Calcicanus , and to the city of Vati ,[4] which is on the frontiers of the Turks, and pays tribute to the Grand Signior.

[4] This proposed route seems to have been through the province of Guria to Batum; and, from the sequel, to have returned to Georgia and Shirvan, passing through Derbent and the Caspian gates, or Daghisten, into western Tartary. But the names in the text are too corrupt for any certainty. Calcicanus, in the text, is probably a corruption of Kalo Johannes, who was then prince, or emperor, of Trebisond.--E.

The patriarch set out on the 6th of August, and the next day Marcus Ruffus followed him, accompanied by several Russians, partly on horseback, and partly by means of boats. Their intentions were to travel from Vati, by Shamaki, anciently Cyropolis, and thence into Tartary. Thus left alone in a strange land, I leave any reasonable person to think what were the embarrassments with which I was surrounded. I was unacquainted with a single individual, having no company but that of my domestics, and had very little money remaining. In short, I was reduced almost to despair, of ever being able to get out of the country. In this state of distress I fell into a violent fever, and could get no other nourishment but bread and water, and a pullet occasionally with much difficulty; and my fever increased to such a degree that I became delirious. All my domestics were attacked soon after with the same fever, the priest Stephen only excepted, who had to take care of us all. My only bed was a wretched mattress, which had been lent me by a person named John Volcan; and my life was despaired of by every one, till the 9th of September, when, by the cares of Stephen and of Martha, my good hostess, or rather through the mercy of God, the fever abated, and I soon recovered my former health, to the astonishment of every one. My domestics likewise recovered, and we began again to consult on the best means of escaping out of our present situation. Some proposed to take the road of Syria, but I deemed this too dangerous; and we at length came to the determination, of going by Shamaki, into Tartary, and thence by Russia, Poland, and Germany. I got accordingly on horseback on the 10th of September, but had hardly rode two miles when I was forced to dismount and rest myself on the ground. I was, therefore, obliged to return to my lodging in Phasis, where we remained till the 17th, when, being all of us restored to health and strength, we again resumed our journey, after having implored the protection and assistance of God. I now took a certain Greek into my service, who could speak the Mingrelian language, who occasioned me a thousand troubles, which it were tedious to recount.

SECTION VI.

Leaving Phasis, Contarini travels through Mingrelia and Georgia, into Media, and, passing the Caspian, arrives in Tartary.

Leaving Phasis, as before mentioned, on the 17th of September; and taking the road of Mingrelia, we came to Cotati , or Cutais, on the 21st of that month, extremely worn out through the consequences of our late illness, and the fatigues of the journey; and as the Greek whom I had hired never ceased to give me vexation, I here parted with him as handsomely as I could. We remained two days at Cutais, among people who knew us not, and whose language we were quite ignorant of. Leaving that place, and tracing back our former steps, we passed over several mountains in much fear, and arrived at Tiflis on the 30th of September, where we took shelter in the chapel of a certain Armenian catholic, who had more the appearance of a dead person than of a living man, but who rendered us every possible service. This man had a son who lived with him, and who, unfortunately for us, was seized with the plague, which had raged in that part of the country this year. From him one of my servants, named Maffeo of Bergamo, caught the distemper, who still kept about me during two days, though ill, as he was my own particular domestic. At length, growing worse, he had to take to his bed, when the distemper shewed itself; and as he lay in the same room with me, and the house could not afford me another, I was forced to take refuge in a hovel where some cows were kept at night; and as the Armenian refused to allow Maffeo to remain in his house, I was constrained to take him into the same place with myself, where Stephen took care of him, till God pleased to take him out of the world. After the death of Maffeo, I experienced great difficulty to procure another stable for myself, that I might get away from the morbid air of that in which my poor servant died. In this extremity we were utterly abandoned, except by one old man, who understood a little of our language, and who served us with much affection.

We remained at this place till the 21st October, and on the evening before our intended departure, the Persian ambassador, who had accompanied the patriarch, came to Tiflis. He complained grievously of having been plundered, through the fault of the patriarch, with whom he had travelled to Lavógasia , where he had left him, and was now on his road to complain to Uzun-Hassan. We agreed to travel in company from Tiflis, a city belonging to Pancratis[1]. From thence in two days we entered the territories of Uzun-Hassan, as we took the road towards Shamaki, or Cyropolis, which is situated in a fertile and pleasant country. On the 26th of October we separated, as the Persian went to Uzun- Hassan at Tauris, and I took the road for the dominions of Sivanse , in which Shamaki stands; but by means of the Persian ambassador I procurred a molah , or Mahometan priest, to guide me on the road to Shamaki. This country is greatly more beautiful and more fertile than the dominions of Uzun-Hassan, and is ruled over by Sivanse , king of Media[2]. Of this country Shamaki is the capital, at which place I arrived on the 1st November 1474. This city is not so large as Tauris, but, as far as I could judge, surpasses that place in the goodness and abundance of every thing, especially in excellent cattle. It produces great quantities of excellent silk, of which they manufacture various kinds of very slight stuffs. While here, I had the good fortune to be rejoined by Marcus Ruffus, the Muscovite ambassador, who had parted from me at Phasis, as formerly related. Immediately on learning that I was in the city, he came to visit me, and we embraced with cordiality. I now earnestly entreated him to receive me and my domestics into his society for the remainder of the journey, to which he very readily agreed.

[1] This name is probably corrupted for Bagration, or Bagrathion, which was once the family name of the sovereigns of Georgia, and, if I mistake not, there is, or was lately, a prince of that family and name in the service of Russia.--E.

[2] The kingdom of Media in the text, is obviously meant to indicate the province of Shirvan, on the west of the Caspian.--E.

We left Shamaki on the 6th of November, for the city of Derbent, which is called, in the language of the country, the Caucassian Gates, or the Iron Gates. This city is under the dominion of Sivanse , and stands on the frontiers of Tartary. On our journey we travelled sometimes over plains and sometimes on mountains, and were tolerably well treated by the Turkish inhabitants, with whom we lodged by the way. About mid-way between these two cities we came to a large village, where we found great abundance of excellent fruits, particularly admirable apples. We arrived on the 12th of November at Derbent, and were advised to pass the winter in that place; as it was necessary, in our way to Russia, to cross the desert of Tartary, which is much easier in the spring of the year, and likewise because it was proper for us to cross over the Caspian to the Tartar city of Citracan. The city of Derbent is situated on the shore of the Caspian, which the Mardians call the sea of Bachaan or Bacou. This city is said to have been built by Alexander the Great, and is called the Iron Gate , because it entirely closes up the only passage from Tartary into Media and Persia, by means of a deep valley reaching from Circassia. Derbent is fortified with a thick well built wall, reaching from the castle at the foot of the mountain all the way to the sea; but not above a sixth part of the space within the walls is inhabited, all that end nearest the sea being in ruins, among which are several tombs. The country about this city produces abundance of all kinds of fruits, among which are plenty of grapes, from which the inhabitants make wine.

The Caspian, or Sea of Hircania, which has no communication whatever with the ocean, is about the same size with the Euxine or Black Sea, and is very deep. They catch in this sea great quantities of sturgeons, and sea- wolves as they are called; and there are prodigious quantities of sea- dogs, or seals, having the head, feet, and tail like ordinary dogs. The only other remarkable fish is of a round form, about a yard and a half in diameter, with no perceptible head or other member, from which the natives extract a great quantity of oil, which they use in their lamps, and with which they anoint their camels. The inhabitants of this country, who are all Mahometans, are neither cruel nor barbarous, and used us exceedingly well; having once asked us who we were, and being answered that we were Christians, they troubled us with no farther inquiries. My dress at this time consisted of coarse and much worn cloth, lined with lambs skin, above which I wore a leathern robe, and my hat was of skin; in which dress I frequently went to the market to purchase flesh and other provisions, which I carried home myself. On one of these occasions a person eyed me attentively, and, turning to some of his comrades, said, this man was not born to the employment of carrying meat. Marcus Ruffus, who happened to be along with me, explained what the man had said; and I was astonished at being recognized in so shabby a dress, which I thought must have proved a sufficient concealment: but, in truth, as I have said before, they are a very good kind of people.

During my residence in Derbent, I was anxious to learn some certain intelligence respecting the state of affairs at the court of Uzun-Hassan, for which purpose I sent Demetrius de Seze, my interpreter, with letters to Josaphat Barbaro at Tauris, which is twenty days journey from Derbent. He returned at the end of fifty days, bringing answers from Barbaro, informing me that the king still remained at Tauris, but that he was utterly ignorant of his affairs.

Spring being arrived, we began to think of pursuing our journey, and Marcus procured a boat for transporting us to Curere [3]. The boats which are used in this country are drawn up on the shore all winter, as the sea is then too rough for their use. They are sharp at both ends, and wide in the middle, their planks being fastened with tree-nails, and their bottoms payed over with pitch; and as the natives use no compasses, or other maritime instruments, they always creep along the coast. These boats, which are very crazy and dangerous, are moved forwards by means of oars; and the people are very ignorant of navigation, though they believe themselves the best mariners in the world.

[3] Perhaps Saray, on the eastern branch of the Wolga.--E.

On the 5th of April 1475, we embarked, and departed from Derbent, being thirty-five persons in all, including the master of the boat and the crew. The rest of the passengers were merchants, carrying rice, silk, and silken goods to Citrarchan [4], where they proposed to sell their commodities to the Russians and Tartars, or to barter them for other articles. Having coasted along during three days, with a favourable wind, always keeping about fifteen miles from the shore, the wind became contrary on the third evening, and increased during the night to so violent a tempest that we expected to have been lost. Although we had all reason to believe our bark would be dashed to pieces on the shore, we made every effort to gain the land, and fortunately our vessel ran into a kind of ditch or dock between sand banks, very near the beach, where she stuck fast, impelled by the united force of the winds and waves, and of our oars. Between us and the shore there was a pool, through which we had to wade, carrying our baggage on our shoulders; and we were almost perished with cold, owing to the wind, and our being drenched with water; yet we unanimously agreed to refrain from making a fire, lest that circumstance might attract the notice of the Tartars, whom we feared to meet with. At day light we noticed traces of horses having been on the spot, and the recent fragments of a ruined skiff, from which we were led to conclude, that some persons must have been here; but some other circumstances gave us reason to believe that the Tartars were not near the shore.

[4] Probably Astracan is here meant.--E.

We remained undisturbed at this place till the 14th of April, when the wind and weather becoming favourable, we got our bark from the creek, and again resumed our voyage, and advanced near thirty miles the same day. Towards evening the wind became again contrary, but we avoided the dangers of an impending storm, by taking refuge amidst some reeds, among which our mariners hauled the boat, so as to be out of danger from the waves, and we made our way to the land through the reeds, in doing which we were much fatigued and thoroughly drenched in water. We rested here all that night and the day following, which was Easter day, having nothing on which to commemorate that festival, except some butter, and a few eggs which we fortunately gathered on the sandy beach. The mariners and passengers were often inquisitive to know who I was; and, pursuant to the advice of Marcus Ruffus, I passed myself among them as the physician and servant of Despima , the consort of the grand duke of Moscovy, to whom I was going. A short time after this, one of our mariners happened to be afflicted by a large boil, and came to consult me in my assumed character; and as I had the good fortune to discover some oil in our bark, I made a poultice for him with bread and flour, by which he was soon cured. From this circumstance they actually believed me to be a physician, and were very anxious that I should remain among them; but Marcus drew me out of this difficulty, by saying that I had no medicinal preparations with me, but would soon return from Russia with a proper assortment.

SECTION VII.

Arrival of Contarini at Citracan, and journey from thence, through several dangers among the Tartars, to Muscovy along with some merchants .

On the 15th of April we put again to sea with a favourable wind, and coasting along a series of reedy islands, we arrived on the 26th of that month at the mouth of the Wolga, a large river which flows from Russia into the Caspian. From the mouth of this river it is computed to be seventy-six miles to the city of Citracan[1], which we reached on the 30th. Near this city there are excellent salines [2], from which all the neighbouring provinces are supplied with salt. The Tartars who commanded in the city would not permit us to enter that evening, so that we had to pass the night in a hut without the walls. In the morning three broad- faced Tartars came and ordered us to go along with them to their prince. They treated Marcus with respect, saying that he was a friend of their sovereign; but alleged that I was his slave, as they consider all the Franks or Christians as their enemies. These news were most cruelly mortifying for me, and afflicted me severely; but I was obliged to submit in spite of me, and Marcus advised me to allow him to speak for me. Forced in this manner to return disconsolate to my hut, I was long exposed to every indignity and danger, to my great mortification and distress. The Tartars insisted that I was possessed of pearls, and even plundered me of some merchandize I had purchased in Derbent, intending to have bartered it in this place for a good horse to carry me during the rest of my journey. They informed me afterwards, by means of Marcus, that they intended to sell us all to certain people whom they waited for, and who were to go into Muscovy with other merchants. After many mortifications and distresses, it was resolved to hold a grand consultation concerning us at a large village named Alermi , about two miles from the city, where their lord resided. At this time I was not possessed of a single farthing, and was obliged to borrow money from the Russian and Tartar merchants, at a high interest, to supply our urgent necessities, for which Marcus became my bondsman.

[1] Called Citrarchan in the former section, but certainly what we now call Astracan, then the capital of a Tartar principality, which now forms one of the provinces of the vast Russian empire.--E.

[2] These are large shallow ponds, in which sea water is exposed to evaporation, to procure salt.--E.

One day, while Marcus was absent, the khan or prince of the Tartars[3], broke open the door of our hut, and endeavoured to compel me by threats to deliver up the pearls which he believed I was possessed of, and I had infinite difficulty to escape out of his hands, and to persuade him not to put me to death. The Tartars used often to come to our hut in the night, when drunk with mead, demanding with loud outcries to deliver up the Franks to them, and the bravest among us were terrified at the dangerous situation in which we were among these savages. In this horrible situation we remained from the 1st of May to the 10th of August. The city of Citracan belongs to three brothers, who are sons to the brother of the Tartar emperor, and the inhabitants often make plundering inroads into the plains of Cinassia [4], and along the borders of the Don. During the height of summer they travel with their flocks in search of pasturage, to the northern parts of Russia, and hardly spend above a month every year in Citracan. That city, which stands on the banks of the Wolga, is by no means large, its houses being built of earth: It is surrounded by a slight wall, and does not appear to have had any better buildings for a long time past. It is said to have had a very considerable fair formerly, and that the perfumes and spiceries which used to be brought to Venice, came first to this place from the east, whence they were carried to the Tanais or Don, which is only eight days journey from the Wolga. The prince of Citracan, whose name is Casinach , sends every year an ambassador to the grand duke of Muscovy, on purpose to extort a present; and on this occasion, several Tartar merchants accompany the ambassador, carrying silk, silken vestments, and other articles of trade, which they barter for saddles, furs, and other things which are in request among their countrymen.

[3] In the original this person is called the cham of the Camercheriens . The Tartar government of Astracan belonged to one of the Mongal tribes of Kipschak; but the word used in the original may have been a local term, not now explicable.--E.

[4] Perhaps the kingdom or province of Cazan, higher up the Wolga.--E.

The only way of travelling into Russia from this place, is through extensive deserts, on which account travellers have to go in large bands or caravans for mutual security, and to carry provisions for the journey. The Tartars care little for the latter precaution, as they have always plenty of spare horses, and kill one when needed, as they live entirely on flesh and milk, without caring for any other food. They use no bread, and only a few of their merchants who have been in Russia know any thing of this article. Previous to the commencement of our journey[5], we provided provisions for the journey as well as we could. In this view we procured some rice with much difficulty, which, boiled in milk, and then dried in the sun, makes, when afterwards boiled in water, an excellent and nourishing food. We had likewise some onions, a small quantity of biscuit, and some other trifles, and I bought, during the journey, the salted tail of a sheep[6]. The usual road from Citracan to Russia lay between two branches of the Wolga, but the roads were then exceedingly dangerous, as the Tartar emperor was then at war with his nephew, who pretended a right to the throne, as his father had once been emperor. On this account it was proposed to pass over to the other side of the river, and to travel towards the straits between the Don and the Wolga, which are about five days journey from Citracan, after which it was presumed we should be out of danger. Our baggage was accordingly carried across the river on rafts, and Marcus desired me to keep always along with him and the Tartar ambassador, named Auchioli . I and my interpreter accordingly set out about mid-day along with the ambassador, to go to the place where the boats waited for us, which was about twelve miles from the city, our other companions having already gone there. On our arrival about sunset, while I prepared to go into one of the boats on purpose to cross the river, Marcus seemed suddenly struck with an extraordinary panic, and commanded the interpreter and me to take to flight instantly to avoid inevitable danger. We mounted therefore immediately, having likewise a Russian woman along with us and a Tartar guide of a most horrible aspect, and set out at full speed. In this manner we followed our guide the whole of that night and part of the next day, without being ever allowed to stop. I frequently asked our guide, by means of my interpreter, what was the reason of all this, and where he proposed to carry me? At length he explained the cause of Marcus having made us set off, with such precipitation; as the khan had sent an order to examine all the boats, and he was apprehensive they would have detained me as a slave if I had been found.

[5] Contarini has forgot to give us any account in what manner he procured leave to quit Astracan. Perhaps, by means of Marcus, he was permitted to pass for one of his attendants.--E.

[6] It may be necessary to remark, that the tails of a peculiar species of sheep, O. Platyurus, or the broad-tailed sheep, common among the Tartars, and other parts of the world, are said sometimes to weigh twenty-five pounds.--E.

About mid-day of the 13th of August 1475, we arrived at the banks of the river, and our Tartar guide endeavoured to find a boat in which to carry us into an island in which the flocks of Auchioli were kept; but not finding one, he cut down some branches, which he tied together so as to form a raft. On this he placed the saddles of our horses, and tying this raft to his horses tail, he mounted the horse, on which he swam across the river to the island, which lay a bow-shot from the shore. He then came back with the raft, on which he carried over the Russian woman; after which he came back for me, and I stripped myself naked before trusting myself to the crazy raft, that I might be in readiness to save myself by swimming, in case of any misfortune. He afterwards returned for our horses; and my interpreter swam across. The passage of the river being thus happily effected, the Tartar carried us to a wretched hovel, covered by a miserable woollen cloth, where he gave us some sour milk, which we found very refreshing, as we had been long without food, and were much fatigued. Immediately on our arrival in the island being known, several Tartars left their flocks to come and see us, seeming infinitely surprized and much gratified by the sight, as we were probably the first Christians who had ever been on the island. Being exceedingly fatigued and distressed in mind, I did not care to speak with them, yet our Tartar guide treated me with much kindness, and made me as good cheer as he was able. Next day, being the eve of the festival of the Virgin, he killed a fat lamb to entertain me, part of which he roasted, and part was boiled; and though contrary to the rules of our religion to eat meat on that day, I made a hearty meal, notwithstanding that every thing was disgustingly dirty. We had likewise sour milk to drink, and the Tartars drank mares milk, of which they are very fond; but I would not drink this, though I could easily perceive my dislike did not please the Tartars.

I remained here two days; and at last, on the 26th of August, Marcus and the rest made their appearance on the other side of the river, and sent a boat for me in which were two of his servants, a Russian and a Tartar. Stephen Testa and John Ungaret, my two attendants, were very much rejoiced at seeing me again, as they believed me entirely lost, and we rested two days at this place before entering upon the desert. Marcus had been so attentive as to provide a horse for me, of which I stood in great need. In this caravan, which was under the command of the Tartar ambassador, there were about three hundred persons, Russians and Tartars, who carried with them above two hundred[7] horses, partly intended to serve as food by the way, and partly for sale in Russia. We arrived in good order at night on the banks of the river, and we rested every day at noon during the fifteen days of our journey, as we were now considered to be out of danger from any attack by the Tartars. I do not recollect the name of the emperor of the Tartars who inhabit this part of the country between the Wolga and the Tanais. This nation has no fixed place of abode, but shift their encampments from place to place, wherever they can find pasture and water for their cattle, on which they have their whole dependence, as they subsist entirely on flesh and milk. They have cows, heifers, and sheep of admirable beauty, the flesh of which is excellent, as they feed on fine pastures; but these people prefer mares milk to every other delicacy. Though I have not been in the country of these Tartars, I have been informed that it is flat and agreeable, having neither hill nor mountain; but the inhabitants addict themselves excessively to robbery and plunder, as their sole occupation, and continually infest the borders of Russia and Circassia by predatory incursions. Their horses are very wild and unmanageable, and are never shod. We were told that there is another tribe of Tartars beyond the Wolga, named wild Tartars, who allow their hair to grow extremely long. In the middle of winter they often make inroads to the very skirts of the city of Citracan, whence they carry off cattle, but do no other damage. These people, like all the Tartars, shift their encampments in search of pasturage and water.

[7] Probably an error for 2000.--E.

After travelling for fifteen days along the eastern bank of the Wolga, we came to a small forest, where the Tartars and Russians of the caravan cut down trees to construct rafts for crossing the river. While they were at this work, we discovered a small bark which was by no means in good repair, by means of which our company proposed to convey our baggage across. Marcus crossed over with a part of our baggage, leaving me in charge of the rest, and sent back the boat when he was landed. In my trip with the remainder of our baggage, the boat began to leak when we were about half way over, the breadth of the river at this place being about two miles. Stephen and two Russians accompanied me in the boat, leaving Demetrius, my interpreter, and John Ungar in charge of the horses. We had much ado to bale out the water, but by the blessing of God, we got over in safety. After our baggage was landed, the Russians put off, to go back for the rest of our people and the horses; but the boat fell to pieces. This necessarily delayed our other servants and the horses from getting over till next day, during which interval they were badly off, as all our provisions were on our side. It was fortunate that I now examined the state of our provisions, which I found diminished much beyond expectation, so that we were under the necessity of abridging our allowance for the remainder of the journey, that we might not run short altogether. Our principal food consisted of millet, with garlic and onions, and some sour milk; and we found some wild apples at this place, which we roasted. In the course of two days, the whole baggage of the caravan was transported to the western side of the river by means of seven rafts, drawn by horses, and directed by the Tartars, the horses swimming and having the rafts tied to their tails. The sight of this was very amusing, but seemed very dangerous to those who were employed. After resting some time, we quitted the banks of the river, and resumed our journey. This river Wolga is certainly the largest and deepest river in the world, being, as well as I could judge, two miles broad, and has very high banks.

SECTION VIII.

Contarini, after crossing European Sarmatia, arrives at Moscow, the capital of White Russia, and is presented to the Grand Duke.

After recommending ourselves to the protection of God, we continued our journey, through immense and terrible deserts, sometimes towards the north, and sometimes westerly[1], always resting at noon, and taking up our quarters for the night on the bare ground, without any protection against the weather. To prevent us from being surprized in the night by the wandering Tartars, outguards were placed every night in three directions around our resting-place. During the greater part of this long and dreary journey, we were very ill off for water both for ourselves and our cattle, and we never saw any wild animals. One day we saw about forty horses, which we were told had escaped from a caravan of merchants the year before. We fell in one day with a small horde of Tartars, having twenty waggons, but I was not able to learn where they were going. As our provisions decreased rapidly, we were forced to use the remainder very sparingly, and were consequently reduced to a very short allowance.

[1] This journey appears to have been through the country on the west of the Wolga, which they probably passed about Czariein, through the provinces of Saratov, Woronez, and Penza, avoiding the Ilafla, to Rezan or Riazan.--E.

On the 22d of September 1475, we entered Russia, and discovered a few huts in the middle of a wood. On the inhabitants learning that Marcus, their countryman, was in our caravan, they came to see him that he might protect them from the Tartars, and brought him a present of honey and wax, a part of which he gave to us. This was a most providential supply, as we were so much reduced by fatigue and spare diet, that we were hardly able to sit on horseback. The first city we came to in this country was Rezan [2], the prince of which place had married a sister of the Grand Duke of Russia. The castle and all the houses of this city are built of wood. We here procured bread and meat, and mead in abundance, to our great comfort and satisfaction. The next city we came to was Kolomna , passing a very large bridge over the Monstrus [3] which flows into the Wolga. At this place, Marcus quitted the caravan, which travelled too slowly in his opinion, and pushed on for Moscow, where we arrived on the 26th of September, after a journey of forty-seven days through the desert, from the 10th of August, on which day we left Citracan. In a great part of this journey we found no wood, and were forced to cook our victuals with fires made of dried cow dung. We returned thanks to God on our arrival, for our preservation through so many and great dangers. On our arrival, Marcus procured a dwelling for us, consisting of a small stove- room and some chambers, with stabling for our horses. Though small and mean, I felt as if lodged in a palace, when I compared my present state of tranquil security with the dangers and inconveniences I had been so long subjected to.

[2] Rezan or Riazan, in the province of that name, on the Oka. In a considerable, part of the track of this journey, there are now towns and villages; but the whole of this south-eastern frontier of European Russia, appears to have been then entirely waste, and pervaded by the wandering Tartars. We are quite in the dark respecting the particulars of the route from Astracan to Rezan. It was certainty on the east of the Wolga at the first, to avoid the Tartars which occupied the country between the Caspian and Euxine. The passage of that vast river may have been at Czariein, at its great elbow, in lat. 48° 30'N. or about Saratov in 51° 20'N. neither of which towns seem to have then existed. From thence they would probably proceed, to avoid the larger rivers, between where Penza and Tchenbar now stand, and by the scite of Morbansk, towards Riazan.--E.

[3] In the original this large bridge is said to have been at Kolomna, which is on the river Mosqua, of very inferior magnitude; and flows into the Oka, which most probably is the Monstrus of the text.--E.

Marcus made me a visit two days afterwards, and supplied me with some necessaries, exhorting me, as on the part of his sovereign, to keep a good heart. I returned his visit next day; and being very desirous to return home to Venice, I requested him to introduce me to the grand duke, which he promised to do as soon as possible, and I soon afterwards was desired to go to court. Immediately on my getting there, I was conducted to an audience; on which I made my obeisance in due form to the grand duke, to whom I returned thanks for all the attentions I had received from his ambassador, Marcus, in the course of my journey, by whose assistance and advice I had escaped a thousand dangers; assuring his highness that I attributed these marks of kindness as done to the republic of Venice, whose ambassador I was, and that the republic would unquestionably evince a due sense of the obligations, to which I owed my life and safety. The grand duke interrupted my harangue, by complaining with much emotion of the conduct of John Baptista of Treviso, and said a great deal on this subject, which is not proper for me to report. After a conversation of some length, in which I spoke to his highness about my departure, he closed my audience, postponing his answers to my requests to a future opportunity. The grand duke was very shortly to quit Moscow, on purpose to visit several parts of his dominions, and particularly the Tartar frontier, where one of his officers was stationed, with the command of 500 horse[4], to repress the incursions of robbers on that side: I therefore endeavoured to procure an answer about my departure, and solicited a second audience for that purpose. On this occasion I was very politely received by the grand duke, accompanied by three of his principal barons. At first they expatiated at some length on the subject of John Baptista, formerly mentioned; but at length I received liberty to remain or to depart as I thought proper. They dismissed me with this vague answer, and the grand duke set out from Moscow soon afterwards. I owed a great deal of money to Marcus, which he had expended for me and my people, as he had defrayed the whole expences of our journey, and had supplied me with many things of which I stood in need. I requested permission from him to go away, giving him the most solemn assurance that I would transmit full payment to him immediately after my arrival at Venice. But he declared this was not in his power, as he was under the necessity of repaying the Tartarian and Russian merchants, who had advanced all these things for us, and to whom he had become security for payment. Finding every application to the duke and Marcus on this subject ineffectual, as I could not procure the necessary funds for my journey from either, I was under the necessity of sending Stephen Testa to Venice, to solicit a remittance from our illustrious senate, by which I might be enabled to pay my debts. Stephen left Moscow on the 7th of October, accompanied by one Nicolas Leopolitain [5], who knew the country.

[4] In the original, the commander of this body of cavalry is said to have been a Tartarian general--E.

[5] The word Leopolitain, may possibly be a corruption for Neopolitan, or a native of Naples. Perhaps it may refer to Leopol, in that part of Poland now belonging to Austria, and called Galicia.--E.

I became acquainted at Moscow with one Triphon, a goldsmith, a native of Ascravia or Cathara, who was employed in making several articles of silver plate for the grand duke. I likewise formed acquaintance with a very ingenious architect of Bologna, named Aristotle, who was building a new church in the market-place. As the house in which I lodged was small and disagreeable, I went to live with this person by the advice of Marcus: But I was soon after obliged to change my quarters by order from court, to a house near the castle, in which I remained for the rest of my stay at Moscow. This city, which is the capital of the Russian dominions, and the residence of the grand duke, or sovereign, is built on a small elevation, on the banks of the Mosqua, over which there are several bridges; the castle and all the houses of the city being built of wood, which is procured from several thick forests near the place. The soil of this country is fertile, and produces abundance of corn of all kinds, which sell here much cheaper than with us; The country abounds in cattle and swine, and with incredible numbers of poultry, ducks, geese, and hares; but they have no venison, either because there are no deer, or because the natives are ignorant of the art of taking them. But they have no vines, and their only fruits are cucumbers, wild apples, and nuts. The country is extremely cold, and the inhabitants are under the necessity of living for nine months of the year in stoves. They provide during winter for their living in summer[6]. When the whole country is enveloped in frost and snow, they use sledges drawn by horses, which are very convenient and useful for travelling; and are even used in summer on account of the miry bad roads, which are exceedingly difficult and unpleasant. The river ordinarily freezes over about the end of October, when the merchants erect booths on the ice, in which they expose their wares of all kinds for sale, as in a fair or market; and they here sell great numbers of cattle and swine, and great quantities of corn, timber, and all other necessaries of life; every thing being procurable in great abundance all the winter. About the end of November, they kill all the cattle, sheep, and other animals that are required for winter provision, and expose them for sale on the river in a frozen state; and the rigour of the season preserves these provisions for two or three months, without any risk of spoiling. Fish, poultry, and all other articles of food, are kept in the same manner. The horses run with great ease and swiftness on the ice yet they sometimes fell and break their necks. Both men and women of this country have very good faces, but their manners are exceedingly bad.

[6] Such is the expression in the original, which ought perhaps to be reversed. Yet Contarini possibly meant to say, that the inhabitants of Moscow laid up a sufficient stock of money from the profits of their long winter labours, for their subsistence during summer; when, by the absence of the court, they had little employment.--E.

The Russian church is ruled over by a patriarch, whose election or appointment is dependent on the grand duke, and who does not acknowledge subjection to the Roman pontiff; and they hold all sectaries in abhorrence, as people doomed to perdition. The natives are much addicted to drunkenness, and he who excels in drinking is much esteemed among them. They have no wine, as I have said before, instead of which they drink mead, made of honey and water, which is very pleasant when sufficiently kept. It is not allowed to every one to make this liquor, for which purpose a license or permission must be had from the grand duke; for if every person had liberty to make mead, they would drink perpetually like so many beasts, and would kill one another. From morning till noon, they are employed in the market-place, occupied in their various businesses and employments, after which they adjourn to the taverns, in which they spend all the rest of the day. Every winter, great numbers of merchants come to Moscow from Germany and Poland, who purchase furs of all kinds, which are indeed exceedingly beautiful. Among these furs, are the skins of foxes, wolves, martins, sables, ermines, and many others, from Scythia and the alpine regions, many days journey to the north of Moscow. Many of these are likewise carried for sale to Novogorod[7], a city towards the frontiers of Germany, eight days journey west from Moscow. The government of that city is democratic, and only pays a stipulated yearly tribute to the grand duke.

[7] There are two cities named Novogrod or Novgorod in Russia, nearly at equal distances from Moscow, one to the northwest, and the other to the southwest; the latter of which, named Novgorod Sieverskov, is probably meant in the text, and which ought rather to have been described as towards the frontiers of Poland. The other Novgorod did not then belong to the Russian sovereignty.--E.

The country subject to the grand duke of Russia is of vast extent, and an infinite number of people are subject to his dominions, but they are by no means warlike. This empire extends from the north towards the west, to that part of Germany which is under the dominion of the king of Poland[8]; and some reckon among his subjects a wandering nation of idolaters, who acknowledge no sovereign, not even submitting to the authority of the grand duke, but when it suits their own convenience. These wandering tribes are said to worship during the day whatever first presents itself to their view, on going out in the morning; many other ridiculous things are reported of them, which I do not repeat, as I have not seen them, and can hardly give credit to the reports. The grand duke[9] appeared to be about thirty-five years of age, was handsomely made, and had very dignified manners, and an air quite royal. His mother was still alive, and he had two brothers. By a former wife he had two sons, who did not agree with Despina, the reigning grand duchess, and were not therefore on very friendly terms with their father. Despina, his second wife, had brought him two daughters, and was said to be again with child.

[8] The geographical ideas of Contarini are very vague and superficial. This is perhaps the only instance wherein Poland; a portion of European Sarmatia, is considered as belonging geographically to Germany.--E.

[9] The reigning sovereign of Russia at the period was John III. who began to reign in 1463, and was succeeded in 1505 by Basil IV.--E.

The grand duke returned to Moscow from his journey to the frontiers about the end of December; and, as I could not reconcile myself to the manners and mode of life of the Russians, I became exceedingly impatient to leave the country, and could not persuade myself to stay for the return of Stephen from Venice with money. For this reason, I made interest with one of the lords of the court, to prevail on the grand duke to supply me with money, and to give me leave to depart. A few days afterwards, the grand duke sent for me to court and invited me to dinner, when he agreed, from respect to the republic, to lend me as much money as was necessary to clear all my debts to the Tartarian and Russian merchants, and to enable me to return to Venice. The dinner was quite magnificent, consisting of every delicacy, and of abundance of exquisitely dressed dishes. When the repast was finished, I retired according to custom. Some days afterwards, I was again invited to court, and the grand duke gave orders his treasurer to give me all the money necessary for paying my debts, besides which, he presented me with 1000 ducats, and a magnificent dress of Scythian squirrels skins, to wear in his presence when I came to court. Before returning to my quarters, he ordered me to be presented to the grand duchess, who received me very graciously, and desired me to offer her respectful salutations to our illustrious republic, which I promised to do.

SECTION IX.

Contarini leaves Moscow, and having passed through Lithuania, Poland, and Germany, arrives at Venice.

On the day before that which I had fixed for my departure, I was invited to dine at court. Before dinner, I was taken into one of the halls of the palace, where I found the grand duke, accompanied by Marcus and a secretary. His highness addressed me very graciously, and desired me to report all the marks of esteem and friendship he had shewn me, from respect to our illustrious republic, and offered me every thing I could desire, and which lay in his power to grant. While speaking, I drew back from respect; but as I retired he always advanced. I answered every thing to his satisfaction, and humbly offered my most grateful thanks for all his benevolence to me. He treated me with the utmost politeness and familiarity, and even condescended to shew me some robes of gold tissue, magnificently lined with Scythian sables; after which we went to dinner. The repast was extraordinarily magnificent, at which several of the barons and great officers of state assisted. When we rose from table, the grand duke called me to him, and gave me my audience of leave in the most gracious terms, speaking so loud as to be heard by all the company, and expressing his high esteem for the illustrious republic of Venice. After this, by his order, a silver cup was brought to me filled with mead, of which he made me a present, as a mark of high regard with which he honours ambassadors, and other persons to whom he shews favour. This present was to me a matter of very serious consideration, as the etiquette required me to empty its contents, and the cup was very large. When I had drained about a quarter of the liquor, knowing the sobriety of the Italians, and perceiving that I was much difficulted, the grand duke had the goodness to order the remainder to be emptied, and the goblet given to me. Having thanked the grand duke in as respectful terms as I was able, I took my leave and retired, accompanied by several barons and other persons of rank.

Every thing was now in readiness for my departure, but Marcus would by no means hear of my leaving Moscow, without taking a dinner with him, and accordingly gave me a magnificent entertainment. Louis, the patriarch of Antioch, of whom I have before made mention, came about this time to Moscow, and was detained there by order of the grand duke; but I made interest through Marcus for his release, which I obtained, and he was to have travelled along with me. But as he delayed too long, I set off without him. At length, on the 21st January 1476, we set out from Moscow in sledges, made like small huts, each drawn by a horse, and guided by a driver. In these sledges we carried our baggage and provisions along with us, and in them, journeys of great length may be made in a wonderfully short time. By order of the grand duke, I had a guide appointed to conduct me on the right road, and this was continued from place to place all, through his dominions. We slept the first night in a small village, where we found our lodgings exceedingly cold, but that was the smallest of our inconveniencies, and on this account I hastened our journey as much as possible. On the 27th of January, we arrived at Vieseme , and a few days afterwards at Smolensk on the frontiers of Lithuania, in the dominions of Casimir king of Poland. From Smolensk, till we arrived at Trach [1], a city of Lithuania, we travelled continually in a plain interspersed with some hills, the whole country being covered with wood, and our only lodgings were in miserable hovels; dining always about noon wherever we could meet with a fire, which had been left burning by travellers who had passed before us. We had generally to break the ice to procure water for our horses; we lighted fires to warm ourselves; and our sledges served us instead of beds, as without them we must have slept on the ground. We went with such expedition, over the frozen snow, that we were assured we had travelled 300 miles in three days and two nights.

[1] This almost certainty a corruption of Troki--E.

Casimir king of Poland, who then resided at Troki , immediately on learning my arrival, sent two of his gentlemen to compliment me in his name, and to congratulate me on my safe return. They likewise invited me to dine with his majesty on the following day, which was the 15th of February, and presented me on the part of the king with a robe of purple damask, lined with Scythian furs, in which I dressed myself to go to court. On this occasion, I went in a coach and six, accompanied by four noblemen and several other persons. The king himself did me the honour to receive me, and conducted me into a magnificent apartment, where he introduced me to two of his sons in presence of many nobles, knights, and gentlemen of the court. A chair was placed for me in the middle of the room; and when I offered to kneel on one knee while addressing the king, his majesty had the goodness to insist that I should sit down in his presence, which I did after some hesitation. I then gave a recital of all that had occurred in my travels, with some account of the dominions of Uzun-Hassan, and of the number of his forces, and of the empire and manners of the Tartars. The king and his courtiers listened to me with much attention during my whole speech, which lasted more than half an hour. I then thanked his majesty for the present he had made me, and for all his kindnesses to me, attributing his attentions to the esteem he entertained for our illustrious republic. His majesty was pleased, by means of an interpreter, to express great satisfaction at my safe arrival, as he hardly expected I should ever have been able to return; and that he was much pleased with the information I had given him respecting Uzun- Hassan and the Tartars, which he believed to be more authentic than any he had received before. After some other discourse, I was conducted to the hall where the dinner was served; soon after which his majesty came into the hall with his two sons, preceded by several trumpets. The king sat down at the head of the table, having his two sons on his right hand; the primate of the kingdom sat next on his majestys left, and I was placed next the bishop. The remainder of the table was occupied by about forty of the nobles. Each service was ushered in with the sound of trumpets, and all the meats were served on large silver dishes.

After dinner, which lasted two hours, I rose to depart, and asked the king if he had any farther orders to honour me with; when he was pleased to say very graciously, that he charged me to assure the senate that his most anxious desire was to cultivate perpetual friendship and good-will with our illustrious republic, and he was pleased to make his sons express the same friendly wishes. Having respectfully taken leave of the king, I was conducted back to my lodgings by several of the courtiers.

Being supplied with a guide, I departed from Troki on the 16th of February, and in nine days, passing through the city of Ionici , I arrived at Warsaw on the 1st of March. The country of Poland appeared very pleasant, and abundant in every, thing except fruit. During our journey we saw many villages and castles, and were well received everywhere, but we found no considerable city. After remaining four days in Warsaw, where I purchased horses for the rest of our journey, we set out from that place on the 5th of March, and came that day to a town call Messarig , where we began to travel with less assurance of safety, as this place is on the frontiers towards Germany. On the 9th I arrived at Frankfort on the Oder, from which place we found more commodious lodgings in traversing Germany, than we had been accustomed to for a long time. While passing the city of Gia [2], on the 15th of March, I had the good fortune to meet with Stephen Testa, whom I had sent from Moscow to Venice for money. I was quite delighted at this meeting, as from him I received good accounts from home. We now entered the city of Gia , where we rested two days. On the 22d we reached Nurenburgh, where we remained four days; from whence we went by Augsburgh, and several other fine cities of Germany, and arrived at Trent on the 4th of April, where we celebrated the festival of Easter. Being extremely anxious to revisit my beloved country, I set out from thence after three days stay, and reached Scala , in the dominions of our republic. In discharge of a vow that I had entered into, I went to visit the church of the blessed Virgin on Mount Arthon, and presented the offerings which I had promised at her holy shrine. I had already sent notice to my brother Augustine, that he might expect me in Venice towards evening of the 10th of April; but my extreme desire of getting back to my country, made me get home considerably earlier. Embarking at break of day, I arrived at three in the afternoon at Lucafusina ; and, before going to my own house, I went, in the discharge of another vow, to the church of our Lady of Grace , and met my brother on my way in the Jews street. We embraced with great affection, and went together to the church. After finishing my devotions, I went to the palace, as the Pregadi were then assembled, it being on a Thursday. I was admitted into the council, to which I gave an account of the success of my embassy; after which, as our serene Doge was indisposed, I paid my respects to him in his apartment, and gave him a short history of my travels, and particularly concerning those things on which I had been commissioned. From thence I went to my own house, where I gave thanks to God for his infinite mercy, in having permitted me to return in health and safety, after so many dangers. To conclude: Although I might have composed this narrative of my travels in a more eloquent style, I have preferred truth in few words, to falsehood dressed up in ornamented language. I have been very brief in relation to Germany, as that country is in our neighbourhood, and is therefore well known to many, on which account it would have been both superfluous and tiresome to have given a minute description of what every one knows.

[2] Though this place must assuredly be a town in Germany, between Frankfort on the Oder and Nurenburgh, its name is so disguised as to be quite unintelligible.--E.

SECTION X.

Recapitulation of some circumstances respecting Persia.

The empire of Uzun-Hassan is very extensive, and is bounded by Turkey and Caramania, belonging to the Sultan, and which latter country extends to Aleppo. Uzun-Hassan took the kingdom of Persia from Causa [1], whom he put to death. The city of Ecbatana, or Tauris, is the usual residence of Uzun-Hassan; Persepolis, or Shiras [2], which is twenty-four days journey from thence, being the last city of his empire, bordering on the Zagathais, who are the sons of Buzech, sultan of the Tartars, and with whom he is continually at war. On the other side is the country of Media, which is under subjection to Sivansa , who pays a kind of yearly tribute to Uzun-Hassan. It is said that he has likewise some provinces on the other side of the Euphrates, in the neighbourhood of the Turks[3]. The whole country, all the way to Ispahan, six days journey from Persepolis, is exceedingly arid, having very few trees and little water, yet it is fertile in grain and other provisions. The king seemed to me about seventy years of age, of large stature, with a pleasant countenance, and very lean. His eldest son, named Ogurlu Mohamed, was much spoken of when I was in Persia, as he had rebelled against his father. He had other three sons; Khalil Mirza, the elder of these was about thirty-five years old, and had the government of Shiras. Jacub beg, another son of Uzun- Hassan, was about fifteen, and I have forgotten the name of a third son.[4] By one of his wives he had a son named Masubech , or Maksud beg, whom he kept in prison, because he was detected in corresponding with his rebellious brother Ogurlu , and whom he afterwards put to death. According to the best accounts which I received from different persons, the forces of Uzun-Hassan may amount to about 50,000 cavalry, a considerable part of whom are not of much value. It has been reported by some who were present, that at one time he led an army of 40,000 Persians to battle against the Turks, for the purpose of restoring Pirameth to the sovereignty of Karamania, whence he had been expelled by the infidels.[5]

[1] Uzun-Hassan, as formerly mentioned, was prince of the Turkmans of the white sheep tribe, and acquired the dominion of western Persia, by the defeat of Hassan-ali prince of the black sheep Turkmans, who is probably the person named Causa in the text.--E.

[2] This is a mistake, Persepolis is supposed to have been at, or near Istakar, above twenty miles N.N.E. from Shiras.--E.

[3] Diarbekir, with the cities of Arzunjan, Mardin, Roha, or Orfa, and Siwas, are said to have been committed by Timour to the government of Kara Ilug Ozman, the great grandfather of Uzun-Hassan, who may have retained the original possessions of his tribe after the acquisition of western Persia.--Mod. Univ. Hist. VI. 111.

[4] According to the authors of the Modern Universal History. B. VIII. ch. i. sect. 3. Uzun-Hassan had seven sons: Ogurlu Mohammed, Khahil Mirza, Maksud beg, Jakub beg, Masih beg, Yusuf beg, and Zegnel. Contarini strangely corrupts almost every name that occurs. Uzun-Hassan, he makes Unsuncassan; Ogurlu Mohammed, Gurlu mamech; Kalil mirza, Sultan chali; Yakub beg, Lacubei; Maksud beg, or Masih beg, Masubech; and omits three of the seven.--E.

[5] Uzun-Hassan is said to have been defeated in battle by the Turks, in 1471, near Arzenjan.--Mod. Univ. Hist. VI. 113.

Voyages of discovery by the Portuguese along the western coast of Africa, during the life, and under the direction of Don Henry. [1]

[1] Astley. I. 9. Clarke, I. 140. Purchas, I. 6. Harris, I. 662.

INTRODUCTION.

The knowledge possessed by the ancients respecting India, will be the subject of discussion in a future portion of this work. We have now to contemplate the tedious, yet finally successful efforts of the Portuguese nation, in its age of energetic heroism, to discover a maritime passage to that long famed commercial region, some general knowledge of which had been preserved ever since the days of the Persian, Macedonian, and Roman empires. Of all the great events which have occurred in the modern ages, previous to our own times, the voyages and discoveries which were made by the Europeans, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries of the Christian era, are justly entitled to preference, whether we appreciate the vast improvements which they made in navigation, and, consequently, in commerce,--the astonishing abundance of wealth which they brought into Europe,--the surprising feats of bravery which were performed in their various expeditions and conquests,--the extensive, populous, and valuable territories which were subdued or colonized,--or the extended knowledge, which was suddenly acquired of the greater part of the earth, till then either altogether unknown, or very partially and erroneously described. By these discoveries, we allude to those of the southern and western hemispheres, a new heaven and a new earth were opened up to the astonishment of mankind, who may be said to have been then furnished with wings to fly from one end of the earth to the other, so as to bring the most distant, and hitherto utterly unknown nations, acquainted with each other. In the ordinary course of human affairs, it has been observed that similar events frequently occur; but the transactions of these times which we now propose to narrate, were as singular in their kind as they were great, surprising, and unexpected; neither can any such ever happen again, unless Providence were to create new and accessible worlds for discovery and conquest, or to replunge the whole of mankind for a long period into the grossest ignorance.

The merit and glory of these wonderful achievements are unquestionably due to the Portuguese nation, and the first and principal share to the sublime genius of their illustrious prince, the infant DON HENRY, Duke of Viseo and Grand Master of the order of Christ , whose enlarged mind first planned the fitting out of maritime expeditions for discovery, and by the imitation of whose example all subsequent discoveries have been accomplished. Every thing of the kind before his time was isolated or accidental, and every subsequent attempt has been pursued on scientific or known principles, which he invented and established. Although America was discovered by Columbus, in the service of Spain, some years before the Portuguese were able to accomplish their long sought route to India; and although the discovery of America was performed infinitely quicker than that of southern Africa and the route to India, Columbus having accomplished his design at the very first attempt, and even without any previous knowledge of the countries he went in search of; while the endeavours of the Portuguese occupied a great number of years in almost fruitless attempts, and extremely tedious progression; yet Don Henry first set on foot the navigation of the ocean through unknown seas, and inspired, other nations with the idea of making discoveries of distant and unexplored regions; and ultimately great as were the discoveries of Columbus, they may be said to have been accidentally made in the erroneous attempt to go by a nearer route to the regions of which Don Henry and his successors had long been in search.

These attempts of the Portuguese had been continued for nearly fourscore years before any of their neighbours seem to have entertained the most distant idea of engaging in foreign discoveries, even viewing their endeavours as downright knight-errantry, proceeding from a distempered imagination, as well in the first promoter as in those who continued to prosecute his scheme. In a word, the relation of these discoveries forms one of the most curious portions of modern history, as comprizing a great number of the most extraordinary transactions that ever happened in any period of the world. For this reason they are well worthy of being particularly narrated, that the curious may be made acquainted with every successive step in such important enterprizes, and by what almost insensible degrees such vast undertakings were ultimately accomplished. And as the intercourse of Europeans has operated a great change in the countries to which they penetrated, and upon their original inhabitants, so that both now appear in a very different light from what they did before these expeditions and discoveries; therefore, every circumstance belonging to these transactions deserves the most serious notice.

John 1. of Portugal, married Philippa, the eldest daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, son to Edward III. of England, by whom he had several sons, of whom Don Henry was the fifth . After serving with great bravery under his father at the capture of Ceuta, he was raised to the dukedom of Viseo, and was sent back with a large reinforcement to preserve the conquest to which his courage had largely contributed. During his continuance in command at Ceuta, he acquired much information, by occasional converse with some Moors, relative to the seas and coasts of Western Africa, which raised and encouraged the project of maritime discoveries; and these became afterwards the favourite and almost exclusive pursuit of his active and enlarged mind. From the Moors he obtained intelligence respecting the Nomadic tribes who border upon and pervade the great desert, and of the nations of the Jaloofs, whose territories are conterminous with the desert on the north, and Guinea to the south. By one ingenious author[2], he has been supposed instigated to his first attempts at maritime discovery, by the desire of finding a way by sea to those countries from whence the Moors brought ivory and gold dust across the desert. It unfortunately happens that we have no record of the particular voyages themselves, and are therefore reduced to the necessity of giving the relation of this great discovery historically from the best remaining sources of information. The writings of Cada Morto, which will be found in the sequel, form a pleasing exception to this desideratum in the history and progress of early navigation and discovery.

[2] Wealth of Nations, II. 347.

SECTION I.

Commencement of Portuguese Discoveries, from Cape Non to Cape Bojador

Three years before the reduction of Ceuta, the Duke of Visco had sent a vessel in 1412 to explore the western coast of Africa, being the first voyage of discovery undertaken by the Portuguese, or by any other nation in modern times. The commander was instructed to endeavour to follow the western coast of Africa, to the southward of Cape Chaunar, called by the Portuguese mariners Cape Nao, Non, or Nam, which, extending itself from the foot of Mount Atlas, had hitherto been the non plus ultra or impassable limit of European navigation, and had accordingly received its ordinary name from a negative term in the Portuguese language, as implying that there was no navigation beyond; and respecting which a proverbial saying was then current, of the following import:

Whoe'er would pass the Cape of Non

Shall turn again; or else be gone.

The success of this earliest voyage, fitted out for the purpose of discovery, is not recorded; but Don Henry continued to send some vessels every year to the same coast, with the same instructions of endeavouring to explore the coast beyond Cape Non. Not daring to trust themselves beyond sight of land, the mariners crept timorously along the coast, and at length reached Cape Bojador, only sixty leagues, or 180 miles beyond Cape Non. This cape, which stretches boldly out into the ocean, from which circumstance it derives its name[1], filled the Portuguese mariners with terror and amazement; owing to the shoals by which it is environed for the space of six leagues, being perpetually beaten by a lofty and tremendous surge, which precluded them, from all possibility of proceeding beyond it in their ordinary manner of creeping along the coast; and they dared not to stretch out into the open sea in quest of smoother water, lest, losing sight of land altogether, they might wander in the trackless ocean, and be unable to find their way home. It is not impossible that they might contemplate the imaginary terrors of the torrid zone, as handed down from some of the ancients, with all its burning soil and scorching vapours; and they might consider the difficulties of Cape Bojador as a providential bar or omen, to warn and oppose them against proceeding to their inevitable destruction. They accordingly measured back their wary steps along the African coast, and returned to Portugal, where they gave an account of their proceedings to Don Henry, in which, of course, the dangers of the newly discovered cape would not be diminished in their narrative[2].

[1] Explained by the celebrated Dr Johnson, as "so named from its progression into the ocean, and the circuit by which it must be doubled." Introduct. to the World Displayed.--Clark.

[2] Cape Bojador is imagined to have been the Canarea of Ptolemy.-- Clarke I. 15

Returning from Ceuta, where his presence was no longer necessary, and where he had matured his judgment by intercourse with, various learned men whom his bounty had attracted into Africa, and having enlarged his views by the perusal of every work which tended to illustrate the discoveries which he projected, Don Henry fixed his residence at the romantic town of Sagres, in the neighbourhood of Cape St Vincent, where he devoted his leisure to the study of mathematics, astronomy, cosmography, and the theory of navigation, and even established a school or academy for instructing his countrymen in these sciences, the parents of commerce, and the sure foundations of national prosperity. To assist him in the prosecution of these his favourite studies, he invited, from Majorca, a person named Diego, or James, who was singularly skilful in the management of the instruments then employed for making astronomical observations at sea, and in the construction of nautical charts. Some traces of nautical discoveries along the western coast of Africa still remained in ancient authors; particularly of the reported voyages of Menelaus, Hanno, Eudoxus, and others. From an attentive consideration of these, Don Henry and his scientific coadjutor were encouraged to hope for the accomplishment of important discoveries in that direction; and they were certainly incited in these views by the rooted enmity which had so long rankled among the Christian inhabitants of Spain and Portugal against the Moors, who had formerly expelled their ancestors from the greatest part of the peninsula, and with whom they had waged an incessant war of several centuries in recovering the country from their grasp.

SECTION II.

Discovery of the Madeira Islands.

After some time usefully employed in acquiring and diffusing a competent knowledge of cosmopographical, nautical, and astronomical science, Don Henry resolved to devote a considerable portion of the revenue which he enjoyed as Grand Master of the Order of Christ, in continuing and extending those projects of nautical discovery which had long occupied his attention. Accordingly, about the year 1418, a new expedition of discovery was fitted out for the express purpose of attempting to surmount the perils of Cape Bojador. In this expedition Juan Gonzales Zarco and Tristan Vaz Texeira, two naval officers of the household of Don Henry, volunteered their services; and, embarking in a vessel called a barcha [3], steered for the tremendous cape. The Portuguese were hitherto ignorant of the prevailing winds upon the coast of Africa, and the causes by which their influence is varied or increased. Near the land, and between the latitudes of 28° and 10° north, a fresh gale almost always blows from the N.E. Long sand-banks, which extend a great way out to sea, and which are extremely difficult to be distinguished in the mornings and evenings, and the prevailing currents, were powerful obstacles to the enterprise of these navigators. About six leagues off Cape Bojador, a most violent current continually dashes upon the breakers, which presented a most formidable obstacle to the brave but inexperienced mariners. Though their voyage was short, they encountered many dangers; and, before they could reach the cape, they were encountered by a heavy gale from the east, by which the billows of the Atlantic became too heavy to be resisted by their small vessel, and they were driven out to sea. On losing sight of their accustomed head lands, and being forced into the boundless ocean for the first time, the ships company gave themselves up to despair; but, on the abatement of the tempest, they found themselves unexpectedly within view of an island, situated about 100 leagues west from the coast of Africa. With extreme joy they beheld the coast of this island extending about twenty miles in length, to which they gave the name of Puerto Santo, because first discovered upon the feast of All Saints. This is the smaller of the Madeiras, being only about two miles broad; and, as the only roadstead is upon the south-west side, the Portuguese probably anchored upon that side to be under the lee shelter of the island from the remnants of the tempest from which they had happily escaped.

[3] The barcha is a sort of brig with topsails, having all its yards on one long pole without sliding masts, as still used by tartans and settees. The barcha longa is a kind of small galley, with one mast and oars.--Clark. I. p. 153.

The island of Puerto Santo , or of the Holy Haven, is almost directly west from Cape Cantin; whence it would appear that these Portuguese navigators could hardly have passed much beyond Cape de Geer, when driven off the coast by this fortunate easterly tempest. Had they even advanced as far as Cape Non, they would almost certainly have been driven among the Canaries. It is perfectly obvious that they never even approached Cape Bojador in this voyage; unless we could suppose, after having been driven directly west from that cape, that they shaped a northern course, after the subsidence of the tempest, and fell in with Puerto Santo while on their return to Portugal.

Greatly pleased with the soil and climate of this island, and with the gentle manners of the natives, whom they described as in an intermediate state of civilization, and entirely destitute of any appearance of savage ferocity, Zarco and Vaz immediately returned to Portugal, where they made a report of the incidents of their voyage; and to confirm their opinion of the value of their discovery, they requested permission from Don Henry to return for the purpose of establishing a settlement in Puerto Santo. By this discovery an advanced and favourable station was secured towards the south, whence any discoveries along the coast of Africa might be prosecuted with greater ease and safety, and from whence the dangers of the hitherto formidable cape Bojador might be avoided, by keeping a southerly or S. W. course from Puerto Santo. From these considerations Don Henry granted their request; and, yielding to the adventurous spirit which this accidental discovery had excited, he permitted several persons to join in a new projected voyage, among whom was Bartholomew Perestrello, a nobleman of his household.

Three vessels were soon fitted out[4], which were placed under the respective commands of Zarco, Vaz, and Perestrello. These commanders had orders to colonize and cultivate the newly discovered island, and were furnished with a considerable assortment of useful seeds and plants for that purpose. They happened likewise to take with them a female rabbit great with young, which littered during the voyage; and which being let loose with her progeny, multiplied so rapidly, that, in two years, they became so numerous as to occasion serious injury to the early attempts at cultivation, and to baffle every hope of rendering Puerto Santo a place of refreshment for the Portuguese navigators; insomuch that a resolution was formed to abandon the newly established settlement. After having landed the different animals and seeds which had been sent out by Don Henry, and seeing them properly distributed, Perestrello returned into Portugal to make a report to the prince, and Zarco and Vaz remained to superintend the infant colony.

[4] Clarke says in the same year 1418. But this could not well be, as the Discovery of Puerto Santo was made so late as the 1st of November of that year. The truth is, that only very general accounts of these early voyages remain in the Portuguese historians.--E.

Soon after the departure of Perestrello, the attention of Zarco and Vaz was strongly excited by observing certain clouds or vapours at a great distance in the ocean, which continually presented the same aspect, and preserved exactly the same bearing from Puerto Santo, and at length occasioned a conjecture, that the appearance might proceed from land in that quarter. Gonsalvo and Vaz accordingly put to sea and sailed towards the suspected land, and soon discovered that the appearances which had attracted their notice actually proceeded from a considerable island entirely overgrown with wood, to which, on that account, they gave the name of Madeira[5]. After bestowing considerable attention upon the soil and other circumstances of this island, which was utterly destitute of inhabitants, Gonzalvo and Vaz returned to Portugal with the welcome intelligence, and gave so favourable a report of the extent, fertility, and salubrity of Madeira, that Don Henry determined to colonize and cultivate it. Accordingly, with the consent of the king of Portugal, the island of Madeira was bestowed in hereditary property upon Zarco and Vaz; one division named Funchal being given to Zarco, and the other moiety, named Machico , to Vaz.

[5] Such is the simple and probable account of the discovery of Madeira in Purchas. Clarke has chosen to embellish it with a variety of very extraordinary circumstances, which being utterly unworthy of credit, we do not think necessary to be inserted in this place. See Progress of Maritime Discovery, I. 157.--E.

In the year 1420 Zarco began the plantation of Madeira, and being much impeded in his progress by the immense quantity of thick and tall trees, with which it was then everywhere encumbered, he set the wood on fire to facilitate the clearing of the surface for cultivation. The wood is reported to have continued burning for seven years[6], and so great was the devastation as to occasion great inconvenience to the colony for many years afterwards, from the want of timber. Don Henry appears to have been a prince of most uncommonly enlarged and liberal views; not only capable of devising the means of making maritime discoveries, which had never been thought of before his time, but of estimating their value when made, and of applying them to purposes the most useful and important for his country. Reflecting upon the reported fertility of the soil, and the excellence of the climate of Madeira, and comparing both with the judicious foresight of a philosopher, politician, and naturalist, in reference to the most valuable productions of similar climates and soils, he wisely conceived, and successfully executed the idea of introducing the cultivation of sugar and wines into this new colony; For these purposes, Portugal would readily supply him with vines; and with people conversant in their management: But he had to procure sugar canes, and persons experienced in their cultivation, and in the process of manufacturing sugar from their juice, from the island of Sicily, into which that article of culture had been introduced by the Arabs.

[6] In the Introduction to the World Displayed, Dr Johnson remarks on this story, that "green wood is not very apt to burn; and the heavy rains which fall in these countries must surely have extinguished the conflagration were it ever so violent." Yet in 1800 Radnor forest presented a conflagration of nearly twenty miles circumference, which continued to spread for a considerable time, in spite of every effort to arrest its progress.--E.

So great was the success of this new subject of industry in Madeira, that the fifth part of the produce of one district only, little more than nine miles in circumference, which proportion the prince reserved as the patrimony of his military order, amounted, in some years, to 60,000 arobas of twenty-five pounds each; giving the entire acknowledged produce of one district only, of the island at 7,500,000 pounds, or 2350 tons. This, at the modern price of eightpence a-pound, amounts to the enormous sum of L. 250,000 value of merchantable produce, from a district which could not contain above 5760 English acres; or above the value of L. 43 of average yearly value from every acre of that district. This astonishingly valuable produce was in the infancy of the sugar trade, when that bland and wholesome condiment was still an article of luxury, and not as now almost an indispensable necessary, even in the lowest cottages of modern Europe. The sugars of Madeira were long famous; but after the establishment of the sugar plantations in Brazil, and the destructive ravages of a worm which infested the sugar canes of Madeira, that article, of cultivation had to be abandoned, and the principal attention of the islanders was transferred to the grape, which still continues to supply Europe, America, and the East Indies with the justly celebrated Madeira wine.

At the same time with the grant of Madeira to Zarco and Vaz, Perestrello received a donation of the island of Puerto Santo, on condition of colonizing it and bringing it into culture. But so great was the multitude of rabbits, all said to have been produced from one doe transmitted in a pregnant state from Portugal, that cultivation was attended with peculiar difficulties occasioned by their ravages; insomuch, that in one islet only, 3000 are reported to have been killed at one time.

SECTION III.

Prosecution of Discovery in Africa, to Cape Branco .

Partly diverted from the original object of prosecuting discoveries along the African coast, by the attentions requisite for forming this first establishment of modern colonization, but chiefly owing to the extreme difficulties of the navigation in the infancy of that art, fifteen years were passed from the first discovery of Cape Bojador before that formidable obstacle could be surmounted. In all ages of the world, ignorant and indolent men have represented new and unusual enterprises in scientific pursuits as rash or improper deviations from the established experience and vaunted wisdom of antiquity; and those who promoted them have been held out as dangerous, or even impious innovators. It so fared with Don Henry, who far outstripped the science, or ignorance rather, of his day. At home, the discontented spirits, ignorant of his enlarged views, perhaps envious of the reputation his very limited discoveries had already attained, represented that the tempestuous seas, strong currents, and whirlpools, which they fancied must prevail on the other side of Cape Bajadore, would necessarily destroy every vessel which should attempt to penetrate beyond that absolute limit of human navigation; they alleged that all the country to the south of that cape was utterly unfit for the habitation of mankind, sterile, burnt up, and destitute of soil and water, like the sandy deserts of Lybia; and they pretended to object on principles of patriotism, that the natives of Portugal were improvidently wasted on idle discoveries, which, if at all advisable, would have been undertaken by their former, wise sovereigns; who, contented with the known world, did not, vainly seek for conquests in the torrid zone, which was altogether unfit for the habitation of mankind. They insinuated, that the expences which had been lavished upon those fruitless and dangerous maritime expeditions, might lave been much more profitably employed for the improvement of some of the more barren parts of Portugal. Even the probable profits and advantages derivable from the new colonies of Madeira and Puerto Santo, as they were only eventual and contingent, did not satisfy the minds of those discontented detractors from the merits and enlightened views of the prince. But Don Henry despised those vain endeavours to misrepresent and counteract the important enterprise in which he was engaged, and undismayed by the natural difficulties which had hitherto retarded the progress of his mariners, continued his laudable endeavours to extend his discoveries along the coast of Africa. The people, likewise, whom he employed in his service, frequently made predatory invasions on the coast, taking every Moorish vessel which they were able to master, and made many slaves, by the sale of which, the charges attending those maritime expeditions were partly defrayed.

About the year 1433, one Gilianez, a native of Lagos, whom the prince had entrusted with the command of a vessel, returned from an unsuccessful attempt to conquer the invincible obstacles which obstructed the passage round Cape Bojador. He had been driven by stress of weather into one of the Canary islands, and had imprudently seized some of the inoffending natives, whom he brought captives to Sagres. Don Henry was much offended by this conduct of Gilianez, whom he received with much coldness and reserve; insomuch that Gilianez, on purpose to retrieve the princes favour, and to make ample amends for the fault he had committed, made a vow, that if entrusted with a new expedition, he would perish rather than return unsuccessful in the enterprize which the prince had so much at heart. The date of the second expedition of Gilianez, in which he surmounted the terrors and difficulties of Cape Bajador, is variously referred by different authors to the years 1433 and 1434[7]. However this may have been, he succeeded in this herculean labour, as it was then esteemed, and returned with great exultation to Sagres, where he was again received into the favour and confidence of Don Henry. Contrary to the assertions, or suppositions rather, of the discontented opposers of the patriotic and enlightened efforts of Don Henry, Gilianez reported that the sea beyond Cape Bojador was perfectly susceptible of navigation, and that the soil and climate were both excellent.

[7] De Barros; Lafitan; Vincent, in the Periplus of the Erythrean sea; Meikle, in his translation of the Lusiad. Harris, in his Collection, Vol. I. p. 663, postpones this discovery to the year 1439.--Clark.

In the following year Gilianez again sailed for the coast of Africa, accompanied by Alphonzo Gonzales Baldaya[8], cupbearer to the prince. The weather continued favourable during the voyage, and they were able to penetrate ninety miles to the south of Cape Bojador. On landing to take a view of the country, and in search of inhabitants, they found the former to consist for the most part of an extended desert plain, and they were much disappointed in not being able to meet with any of the inhabitants, though they saw evident traces of them in the sand. To the bay in which they landed they gave the name of Angra dos Ruyvos, or Bay of Gurnets, from the great abundance of fish resembling gurnets which were taken by the seamen.

[8] In Purchas this person is named Antonio Gonsalvo; but the authority of Clarke, I. 188, is here preferred.--E.

Gilianez and Baldaya were again ordered in the year 1435 to prosecute their discoveries, with instructions to prolong their voyage, if possible, till they should meet with inhabitants. Having proceeded about forty miles to the southward of the Angra dos Ruyvos, without being able to see a single inhabitant, they adopted an expedient which had been suggested by Don Henry, and for which they were provided with the means. Two horses were landed, and two youths named Hector Homen and Diego Lopez d'Almaida, who had been educated in the household of Don Henry, and were scarcely sixteen years of age, were directed to penetrate into the interior of the country, that they might endeavour to ascertain whether it were inhabited. They were directed to keep close together, and on no account to leave their horses, and if possible to bring back some of the Moors; and lest they should rashly expose themselves to unnecessary danger, they were only allowed each a sword and spear, without any defensive armour. After wandering almost a whole day in the barren sandy desert, they at length descried nineteen Africans, armed with assagays or javelins, whom they ventured to attack, though contrary to their orders. The natives retreated into a cave where they were safe from the farther assaults of the rash Portuguese youths; and as one of them had received a wound in the foot, they thought it prudent to return to the shore, which they were unable to reach before the next morning. Gilianez and Baldaya then dispatched a stronger force to the cave in which the Africans had taken shelter, where nothing was found but some weapons which had been left by the fugitives. Owing to this event, the place where the two cavaliers were landed was named Angra dos Cavallos, or the Bay of Horses; which is in latitude 24° N.

The navigators proceeded along a rugged coast to the south of the Bay of Horses, upon which the sea breaks with a terrible noise, and which, on account of being entirely composed of a hilly shore, faced with rocks and small rocky islands, is called Otegado , or the Rocky Place. At about twelve leagues distance from the bay of Cavallos they entered the mouth of a river, where they killed a number of sea wolves or seals, the skins of which they took on board in defect of any other productions of the country; these seals were found on an island at the mouth of this river, on which the mariners are said to have seen at least 5000 asleep on the shore. The voyage was continued to Punta de Gale, forming the western head-land of the Rio de Ouro, immediately under the tropic, where a fishing net was found constructed of twine, made from the inner bark of some tree of the palm tribe, but no natives were met with; and as provisions began to grow scarce, the adventurous mariners were constrained to return into Portugal, after ranging for some time up and down the rocky coast of Otegado, without making any important discovery.

About this period, or perhaps considerably earlier, Don Henry obtained a bull from Pope Martin V. by which the sovereign pontiff made a perpetual donation to the crown of Portugal, of all lands and islands which had been or might be discovered between Cape Bojador and the East Indies, inclusively, and granted a plenary indulgence for the souls of all who might perish in the prosecution of the enterprize, and in achieving the conquest of these extensive regions from the infidel and pagan enemies of Christ and the church. In this measure, the philosophical genius and enlarged political views of Don Henry are plainly evinced; and, undismayed by the obstacles which had so long opposed his grand project of discoveries, and the length of time which had been employed in making so very small progress, he shewed himself to have looked steadily forwards to the full accomplishment of his hopes of discovering the route by sea from Europe to India, around the still unknown shores of Southern Africa. The date of this papal grant does not certainly appear. De Barros and Lafitau are of opinion that it must have been posterior to 1440; Purchas places it in 1441; and de Guyon in 1444. But Martin V. died in 1431; and these writers seem to have confounded the original grant from that pontiff, with subsequent confirmations by his successors Eugenius IV. Nicholas V. and Sextus IV[9].

[9] Progr. of Nav. Disc. I. 184.

The gradual progress of these discoveries were interrupted for a time by an unsuccessful attempt of Edward I. or Duarte , king of Portugal, to gain possession of Tangier in the kingdom of Fez. But the history of this war, in which the Portuguese arms suffered much misfortune and dishonour, are quite irrelevant to the present subject. The plague likewise, which raged at Lisbon in 1438, contributed to the suspension of the patriotic enterprizes of Don Henry. At length, in 1440, Don Henry resumed his project of maritime discovery, and dispatched two caravels from Sagres, which were forced back by unfavourable weather, apparently without even reaching the coast of Africa.

In 1441, a young officer named Antonio Gonzales made a voyage in a small vessel, with a crew of twenty-one men, to the island where so great a number of sea wolves had been seen in the former voyage of Alphonzo Gonzales Baldaya in 1435. In this voyage Alphonzo Gotterez, a gentleman of the bed-chamber to Don Henry, acted as secretary, and the two adventurers were instructed to endeavour to obtain an account of the country and its inhabitants, and to procure a cargo of the skins of the seals or sea wolves, that the voyage might not be entirely destitute of some commercial advantages. After accomplishing this part of his instructions, Gonzales determined to use his utmost efforts for procuring some of the inhabitants of the country to carry back with him to Sagres. For this purpose, he landed at the beginning of the night with nine associates, and having advanced about ten miles into the interior, discovered a native following a camel. The sudden appearance of the Portuguese rendered the astonished Moor perfectly motionless, and before he could recover from his surprize he was seized by Gotterez. On their return to the shore with their prisoner, they traced some recent footsteps on the sand, which led them in view of about forty natives, who withdrew to an adjoining hill, but the Portuguese secured a female Moor who had strayed from the party. With these two prisoners they returned to their vessel, not choosing to run any unnecessary risk, or to make any needless attack upon the natives, which was contrary to the express orders of Don Henry.

When preparing next morning to set sail on their return to Portugal, another Portuguese ship arrived, which was commanded by Nuno Tristan, a gentleman of the princes household. Encouraged by this reinforcement, a second expedition into the interior was immediately resolved upon, in which Nuno Tristan, Diego de Vigliadores, and Gonzales de Cintra, joined with Alphonzo Gonzales and Alphonzo Gotterez. Advancing again under night, they soon perceived a party of the natives whom they immediately attacked, shouting out Portugal! Portugal! San Jago! San Jago! The Moors were at first stupified with fear and surprise; but recovering from their panic, a struggle ensued, in which three of the Moors were slain, and ten made prisoners, the Portuguese being indebted for their safety to their defensive armour. After endeavouring, in vain, to establish an intercourse with the Moors for the redemption of the prisoners, Alphonzo Gonzales returned to Sagres with a cargo of skins and the Moorish prisoners, and was honourably rewarded by his discerning master. The place of this exploit was named Puerto del Cavallero, or the Knights Harbour, on occasion of Gonzales being there knighted by Nuno Tristan.

After careening his vessel, Nuno Tristan proceeded along the coast according to his orders, and reached a cape in lat. 20° 50' N. to which he gave the name of Cabo Branco, or the White Cape, on account of the whiteness of its cliffs. He there landed and found some fishing nets on the shore; but after repeated incursions into the country, being unable to meet with any of the natives, he made a survey of the coast, and returned to Portugal with an account of his proceedings.

Three of the prisoners carried to Portugal by Gonzales were Moors of some rank and considerable opulence; who each promised to pay ransoms for their safe return to their native country, and to give, besides, six or seven slaves each to the captors. Don Henry, as grand master of the order of Christ, was eager for the acquisition of so many converts from the religion of Mahomet, and was in hopes that the favourable report which the Moors might make on their return to Africa, would induce the natives to enter into trade with his navigators; and that, among the slaves which were to be given in exchange, some certain knowledge might be acquired of the burning regions of Africa, about which such strange reports were then prevalent. Antonio Gonzales was therefore dispatched on another voyage in 1442, accompanied by a German gentleman named Balthazar, who had distinguished himself in the late unfortunate attempt on Tangier, and who was anxious to carry home some account of the newly discovered countries. After being forced to return to port, to repair the damages they had sustained in a dreadful tempest, they again sailed, and reached the coast where the Moors had been made prisoners. The principal Moor was landed, and was received with great deference and respect by his countrymen; but he forgot all his promises on regaining his liberty, and never returned to pay the ransom he had bargained for. It would appear, however, that he had informed the natives of the return of the other two chiefs; as at the end of nine days, above an hundred natives appeared on the coast, and entered into treaty for the ransom of their two countrymen who remained captives, and for whom ten negroes, natives of different parts of Africa, were given in exchange. During these transactions, the sight of a considerable quantity of gold dust in the possession of the Moors, excited the most lively emotions in the Portuguese, as being the first intimation of that valuable commodity being procurable on the coast of their new discoveries. From this circumstance, Gonzales gave the name of Rio del Ouro , or Gold River, to the deep arm of the sea in which he now lay, which penetrates about six leagues N. N. E. from the tropic of Cancer.

SECTION IV.

Continuation of Discovery to Cape de Verd .

On the return from this voyage, the sight of gold placed the fame and advantage of the enterprizes and discoveries of Don Henry beyond the reach of prejudice and detraction, and the former murmurings and discontents against his proceedings were changed into admiration and applause. In 1443 Nuno Tristan was again sent out, with orders to prosecute, the discovery of a coast which now seemed so likely to prove advantageous to the commerce of Portugal. He now doubled Cape Blanco, or Branco, which he had discovered in his former voyage, and, about ten leagues farther to the south-east, fell in with an island, or rather cluster of seven islands, called Adeget by the natives, but which have since, with the bay in which they lie, received the name of Arguim, or Arguin. The small canoes which were used by the natives of this coast were at first mistaken for some strange kind of birds, as the people sit upon them astride, using their feet instead of paddles, to urge them along. To one of the islands in this bay Tristan gave the name of De las Gar?as, on account of the seasonable supply which he there received. From this place Nuno Tristan returned into Portugal, with some of the natives of the country.

Don Henry, in 1444, made an exchange with Massiot de Betancour, lord of the Canary Islands, for the islands of Lancerota, Fuertaventura, and Ferro, giving him some possessions in the island of Madeira in their stead; and immediately fitted out a powerful squadron, commanded by the grand master of his household, Fernand de Castro, to take possession of this new acquisition, and to subdue the remaining islands, Canaria, Palma, Gratioso, Inferno, Alegrazze, Santa-Chiara, Rocca, and Lobos. But, as the king of Castile afterwards laid claim to the Canaries, Don Henry resigned his conquests, finding the value of these islands by no means answerable to his expectation.

So greatly had the fame of the new discoveries extended in consequence of the small quantity of gold which had been procured by Gonzales at the Rio del Ouro, that several of the inhabitants of Lagos petitioned Don Henry, in 1444, to be erected into a trading company, engaging to carry on the discoveries along the coast of Africa at their own expence. The prince granted their request, and a company was accordingly formed, the prototype of those celebrated East India companies which have since carried on trade to such vast amount. Among the partners were, Juan Diaz, the ancestor of him who afterwards discovered and passed the Cape of Good Hope, Gilianez, who had so boldly overcome the obstacles of Cape Bajador, Lan?erot, a gentleman of the household of Don Henry, Estevan Alfonso, and Rodrigo Alvarez. A squadron of six caravels was fitted out under the command of Lan?erot, which sailed from Lagos in the year 1444, and reached the isle of Gar?as, in the bay of Arguin, where they captivated an hundred and fifty Africans, and returned to Lagos, after very slightly extending their knowledge of the coast of Africa to the desart island of Tider, in 19° 30' N.

In 1445, the subsequent voyage of Gonzales da Cintra, likewise a gentleman in the household of Don Henry, in some measure expiated the wanton outrage which had been committed in that of Lan?erot. The merit of Gonzales had raised him to the rank of a gentleman in the household of Don Henry, and his character was held in much estimation; but his confidence was obtained and betrayed by a moor of the Assanhaji tribe[10], whom he had taken on board to serve as an interpreter with the natives on the coast of Africa. Misled by this crafty African, who held out great hopes of acquiring plunder, Gonzales steered for the island of Arguin, and put into a creek or bay on the coast, in lat. 22° 48' N. about fourteen leagues to the south of Rio del Ouro, and forty-five to the north of Cape Branco. The Moor got leave to go on shore, under pretence of visiting some relations, but escaped in the night with another of his countrymen. Gonzales was much mortified at allowing himself to be circumvented by the cunning of his interpreter, and rashly embarked in a boat with only twelve men, with the intention of pursuing the fugitive. Pressing onwards with too much eagerness, he neglected to attend to the tide, which happened then to be on the ebb. His boat stuck fast, and when the morning broke, he was surrounded by two hundred Moors. Unable to extricate himself, or to contend against such mighty odds, Gonzales and seven of his men were slain; the other five made their escape by swimming to the ship, which immediately set sail for Lagos. The clumsy denomination of Angra de Gonzales da Cintra , to this bay, still commemorates the death of this commander.

[10] This tribe of Assenhaji, or Azanaghi, are the Zenhaga of our maps, and the Sanhagae of Edrisi and Abulfeda. They are at present represented as inhabiting at no great distance from the coast of Africa, between the rivers Nun and Senegal.--Cl.

In the subsequent year, 1446, Don Henry sent out a small squadron of three caravels, under the command of Antonio Gonzales, assisted by Diego Alfonso, and by Gomez Perez, the kings pilot. They were directed to proceed for the Rio del Ouro, and were strictly enjoined to cultivate the friendship of the natives by every possible means, to establish peace with them and to use their utmost endeavours to convert them to the Christian religion; among other instructions, they were urged to pass unnoticed the insults or neglect of honour which they might experience from the negroes. The Portuguese endeavoured, but ineffectually, to conciliate the natives, and to remove the angry prejudices which they entertained. They returned to Lagos with no other fruit from their voyage except one negro whom they had received in ransom, and an aged Moor who requested permission to accompany them to Portugal. One of their own companions, Juan Fernandez, from an ardent desire to procure information for the prince, got leave to remain among the Assanhaji Arabs.

Next year, 1447, Antonio Mendez was ordered to return in search of Juan Fernandez, from whose inquisitive disposition much information was expected. In this expedition he was accompanied by two other caravels, commanded by Garcia Mendez and Diego Alfonso, but they were separated by a storm in the early part of the voyage. Alfonso was the first who reached the coast at Cape Branco, where he landed, and set up a wooden cross as a signal to his consorts, and then proceeded to the islands of Arguin, which afforded shelter from the tremenduous surf which breaks continually on the coast of Africa. While waiting at Arguin for the other ships, Alfonso paid many visits to the continent, where he made prisoners of twenty-five of the natives. When the other two ships of the squadron had joined, they went to the Rio del Ouro in search of their countryman, Juan Fernandez, who had been several days anxiously looking out for a vessel to carry him off.

After experiencing many hardships, Fernandez had succeeded in gaining the friendship of a considerable person among the Moors, and was accompanied to the shore by that mans slaves in a body. The natives exerted themselves to procure the release of some of their countrymen who were prisoners with the Portuguese, to whom they gave nine negroes and a quantity of gold dust by way of ransom. To the place where this transaction took place, the navigators gave the name of Cabo do Resgati , or Cape Ransom; where likewise Fernam Tavares, an aged nobleman, received the honour of knighthood, a distinction he had long been entitled to, but which he would only receive upon the newly discovered coast. During the homeward voyage, Gonzales touched at a village near Cape Branco, where he increased his captives to ninety.

Juan Fernandez described the natives of the coast as wandering shepherds, of the same race with the Moor who had been brought over to Portugal by Antonio Gonzales in the former voyage. After he had been conveyed to a considerable distance inland, he was stripped of all his clothes, and even deprived of all the provisions he had taken on shore. A tattered coarse rug, called an alhaik , was given him instead of the clothes he had been deprived of. His food was principally a small farinaceous seed, varied sometimes by the roots which he could find in the desert, or the tender sprouts of wild plants. The inhabitants, among whom he lived as a slave, unless when better supplied by means of the chase, fed on dried lizards, and on a species of locust or grasshopper. Water was bad, or scarce, and their chief drink was milk. They only killed some of their cattle on certain great festivals; and, like the Tartars, they roamed from place to place in quest of a precarious sustenance for their flocks and herds. The whole country presented only extensive wastes of barren sand, or an uncultivated heath, where a few Indian figs here and there variegated the dreary and extensive inhospitable plain. A short time before he rejoined his countrymen, Fernandez acquired the protection and kindness of Huade Meimon, a Moor of distinction, who permitted him to watch for the arrival of the ships, and even assigned him a guard for his protection.

In the interval between these two voyages of Gonzales, Denis Fernandez, a gentleman of Lisbon, who had belonged to the household of the late king, fitted out a vessel for discovery under the patronage of Don Henry, with a determination to endeavour to penetrate farther to the southwards than any preceding navigator. He accordingly passed to the southwards of the Senegal river, which divides the Azanhaji moors from the Jaloffs, or most northern negroes, and fell in with some almadias or canoes, one of which he captured, with four natives. Proceeding still farther on, without stopping to satisfy his curiosity in visiting the coast, he at length reached the most westerly promontory of Africa, to which he gave the name of Cabo Verde, or the Green Cape, from the number of palm trees with which it was covered. Alarmed by the breakers with which the shore was everywhere guarded, Denis did not venture to proceed any farther, especially as the season was already far advanced, but returned with his captives to Portugal, where he met with a flattering reception from Don Henry, both on account of his discovery of the Cape de Verd, and for the natives he had procured from the newly discovered coast, without having been traded for with the Moors.

SECTION V.

Progress of Discovery from Cape de Verd to the Gambia .

Soon after the return of Denis from the Cape de Verd, Gonzales Pachecos, a wealthy officer belonging to the household of Don Henry, fitted out a ship at his own expence, of which he gave the command to Dinisianez da Gram, one of the princes equerries, who was accompanied by Alvaro Gil, an essayer of the mint, and Mafaldo de Setubal. After touching at Cape Branco, they steered along the coast for the isle of Arguin, making descents in several places, where they made a considerable number of captives from the Moors. At the isle De las Gar?as they found another caravel, commanded by Louren?o Dias, which formed part of a considerable squadron that had been lately fitted out from Lagos. Two days afterwards, the admiral of that squadron, Lan?arot, and nine other caravels arrived. Gram informed Lan?arot of his success in making fifty prisoners, whom he had dearly purchased by the loss of seven of his men, who had been murdered by the Moors. Lan?arot immediately sailed for Arguin, bent on revenge, and sacrificed the lives of eight, and the liberty of four of the natives, to the memory of Gonzales da Cintra and the mariners of Gram. On this occasion two of the Portuguese officers were knighted on the newly discovered coast, which seems then to have been a fashionable ambition among them, no doubt arising from the prevailing zeal for maritime discovery. From Arguin Lan?arot passed over to the isle of Tider, whence the inhabitants made their escape to the adjacent continent; but the Portuguese soon followed, and the astonished Moors fled on all sides, after a sharp skirmish, in which a good many of them were slain, and sixty taken prisoners.

The fleet now separated, a part returning home by way of the Canaries, while Lan?arot, with several other caravels, advanced along the coast of Africa southwards, till he got beyond what the Moors called the ?ahara, or Sahara, of the Assenaji. This Moorish nation is mentioned by Abulfeda as the ruling tribe in Audagost, or Agadez, and as inhabiting the southern part of Morocco. They are therefore to be considered as the peculiar people of the great desert and its environs, at its western extremity on the Atlantic. The latter part of their name, aji , or rather aspirated haji , signifies a pilgrim, and is now the appropriate title of one who has made the great pilgrimage of Mecca. In the present case, the name of Assenaji probably signifies the Wanderers of the Desert . The Sanhaga, or Assenaji tribe, is now placed at no great distance from the African coast, between the rivers Nun and Senegal; and this latter river has probably received its Portuguese name of Sanaga from that tribe. Ptolemy likewise probably named Cape Verd Arsinarium , from the same people, from which it may be inferred that they anciently occupied both sides of the Senegal river, which is named Dardalus by that ancient geographer.

Twenty leagues beyond the southern boundary of the great desert, Lan?arot came to the mouth of a large river, which had been formerly seen by Denis Fernandez, and named by him Rio Portugues , or the Portuguese river; which was called Ouedech by the natives, and afterwards got the name of Canaga, Zanaga, Sanhaga, Sanaga, or Senega, now the Senegal. Lan?arot passed in safety over the bar of this river, and endeavoured to explore its course upwards, but the weather became unfavourable, and forced him again to sea, when he proceeded with part of his squadron to Cape Verd, near which place he took in a supply of water and goats flesh. The fleet was again dispersed by a second storm, and only three vessels remained under the command of Lan?arot. With these he made a descent on the island of Tider, where he captured fifty-nine Moors; and with these, and some natives he had made prisoners on the banks of the Senegal, he returned into Portugal.

In the year 1447, Nuna Tristan made another voyage to the coast of Africa; and, advancing beyond Cabo dos Mastos , or the Cape of Masts, so named from some dead palms resembling masts, seen there by Lan?arot, who made this discovery in the former voyage, Nuna Tristan proceeded southwards along the coast of Africa, 180 miles beyond Cape Verd, where he reached the mouth of a river which he called Rio Grande, or the Large River, since called Gamber, Gambra, or Gambia. Tristan came to anchor at the mouth of this river, and went in his boat with twenty-two armed men on purpose to explore its course. Having reached to a considerable distance from his ship, he was environed by thirteen almadias or canoes, manned by eighty negroes, who advanced with dreadful yells, and poured in continual vollies of poisoned arrows, by which he, and almost every man in his boat were wounded before they could regain the ship. Nuno Tristan and all the wounded men died speedily of the effects of these poisoned weapons, himself only living long enough to recount the nature of the terrible disaster to the small remainder of the crew who had been left in charge of the caravel; which was brought home by only four survivors, after wandering for two months in the Atlantic, scarcely knowing which way to steer their course.

There appears some difficulty and contradiction in regard to the river discovered by Nuna Tristan, from the vague name of Rio Grande. Instead of the Gambia, in lat. 13° 30' N. some of the Portuguese historians are inclined to believe that this fatal event took place at another river, in lat. 10° 15' N. at least 500 nautical miles beyond the Gambia, to the S.S. E. which was afterwards called Rio de Nuno. This is scarcely probable, as no notice whatever is taken of the great archipelago of shoals and islands which extend from Cabo Rosso to beyond the mouth of that river which is still called Rio Grande. Yet it must be acknowledged that our remaining information respecting these early Portuguese voyages of discovery, is unfortunately vague and unsatisfactory.

In the same year, 1447, Alvaro Fernando proceeded to the coast of Africa, and is said to have advanced forty leagues beyond Tristan, having arrived at the mouth of a river called Tabite[11], 100 miles to the south of Rio Nuno. Notwithstanding the appearance of a determined opposition on the part of the natives, who had manned five almadias, Alvaro resolved to explore its course in his boat, and proceeded up the river for that purpose, with the utmost circumspection. One of the almadias stood out from the rest, and attacked his boat with great bravery, discharging a number of poisoned arrows, by which Alvaro and several of his men were wounded, which forced him to desist and return to his ship. Being, however, provided with theriac and other antidotes against the poison, Alvaro and all his men recovered from their wounds. He resolved, after leaving the river Tabite, to proceed along the coast, which he did to a sandy point; and, apprehending no danger in so open a situation, was preparing to land, when he was suddenly assailed by a flight of poisoned arrows, from 120 negroes who started up from a concealment. Alvaro, therefore, desisted from any farther attempt to explore the coast, and returned to Lagos to give an account of his proceedings.

[11] No such name occurs in the best modern charts, neither is there a river of any consequence on the coast which answers to the distance. The first large river to the south of the Nuno is the Mitomba, or river of Sierra Liona, distant about 130 maritime miles.--E.

In the same year, ten caravels sailed from Lagos for Madeira, the Canaries, and the coast of Africa, but returned without making any progress in discovering the coast. Under this year likewise, 1447, the Antilles, or Caribbee islands, are pretended to have been discovered by a Portuguese ship driven, thither by a storm. But the fact rests only on the authority, of Galvano, a Portuguese historian, and is not at all credible. Indeed the story is an absolute fable; as the inhabitants are said to have spoken the Portuguese language, and to have had seven cities in their island. In the same year, Gomez Perez went with two caravels to Rio del Ouro, whence he carried eighty Moors to Lagos as prisoners.

About this period the progress of discovery was arrested by political disputes in Portugal, which ended in a civil war between Don Pedro, Duke of Coimbra, and King Alphonso V. his nephew and son-in-law, in the course of which Don Pedro was slain. Don Henry appears to have taken no share in these disputes, except by endeavouring to mediate between his nephew and brother; and, after the unhappy catastrophe of Don Pedro, Don Henry returned to Sagres, where he resumed the superintendence of his maritime discoveries.

SECTION VI.

Discovery and Settlement of the A?ores [1].

[1] So called from the number of hawks which were seen on these islands when first discovered, A?or signifying a hawk in the Portuguese language; hence A?ores or A?oras, pronounced Azores, signifies the Islands of Hawks.--Clark.

These nine islands, called the A?ores, Terceras, or Western islands, are situated in the Atlantic, 900 miles west from Portugal, at an almost equal distance from Europe, Africa, and America. The Flemings pretend that they were discovered by a navigator of their nation, John Vanderberg, who sailed from Lisbon in 1445 or 1449. Santa Maria, one of these islands, 250 leagues west from Cape St Vincent, was first seen on the 15th August 1432, by Cabral, who sailed under the orders of Don Henry. San Miguel was taken possession of by the same navigator on the 8th May 1444; and Ponta Delgada its capital, received its charter from Emanuel in 1449. Tercera was given to Jacome de Brujes in 1450, by Don Henry, in which year St George was discovered. Pico and Gracioso were discovered about the same time. Perhaps Fayal may actually have been first explored, as many of the inhabitants are of Flemish descent, under the command and protection of the Portuguese. Flores and Corvo, which lie seventy leagues west from Tercera, are not reckoned among the A?ores by some writers. In this latter island, the Portuguese pretend that there was discovered an equestrian statue made from one block of stone. The head of the man was bare, his left hand rested on the mane of his horse, and his right pointed towards the west , as if indicating the situation of another continent. In addition to all this, an inscription appeared to have been traced on a rock beneath the statue, but in a language which the Portuguese did not understand.

In the slow progress of discovery, the perils endured by the officers and men employed by Don Henry, from the Moors and Negroes, frequently occasioned murmurs against his plans of discovery; but the several clusters of islands, the Madeiras, Cape Verd, and A?ores, formed a succession of maritime and commercial colonies, and nurseries for seamen, which took off from the general obloquy attending the tedious and hitherto unsuccessful attempts to penetrate farther into the southern hemisphere, and afforded a perpetual supply of navigators, and a stimulus to enterprize. The original prejudices against the possibility of navigating or existing in the torrid zone still subsisted, and although the navigators of Don Henry had gradually penetrated to within ten degrees of the equator, yet the last successive discovery was always held forth by the supporters of ignorant prejudice, as that which had been placed by nature as an insurmountable barrier to farther progress in the Atlantic. In this situation, the settlement of the A?ores was of considerable importance. In 1457, Don Henry procured the grant of many valuable privileges to this favourite colony, the principal of which was the exemption of the inhabitants from any duties on their commerce to the ports of Portugal and even of Spain.

In 1461, a fort was erected in the isle of Arguin on the African coast of the Moors, to protect the trade carried on there for gold and negro slaves. Next year, 1462, Antonio de Noli, a Genoese, sent by the republic to Portugal, entered into the service of Don Henry, and in a voyage to the coast of Africa, discovered the islands which are known by the name of the Cape de Verd Islands, though they lie 100 leagues to the westward of that Cape. In the same year Pedro de Cintra, and Suera de Costa, penetrated a little farther along the coast of Africa, and discovered the river or Bay of Sierra Liona or Mitomba, in lat. 8° 30' N. This constituted the last of the Portuguese discoveries, carried on under the direct influence and authority of Don Henry, the founder and father of modern maritime discovery, as he died next year, 1463, at Sagres, in the sixty-seventh year of his age; and, for a time, the maritime enterprise of the Portuguese nation was palsied by his death.

Thus, during a long period of fifty-two years, this patriotic prince devoted almost his whole attention, and the ample revenues which he enjoyed as Duke of Viseo end grand master of the military order of Christ, in extending the maritime knowledge, and consequently the commercial prosperity of his country. The incidents of the last seven years of the life of this distinguished prince, are involved in uncertainty, and we know very little with regard to the progress of his maritime discoveries from 1456, the date of the second of the voyages of Cada Mosto, of which we propose to give a separate account, till the year of his death, 1463. From the year 1412, when he began his operations, at which time he could scarcely exceed fifteen years of age, the navigators who had been formed under his auspices and direction, and often instructed by himself in the theory of navigation and cosmography, gradually explored the western coast of Africa, from Cape Nam or Non, in lat. 28° 15', certainly to Rio Grande, in lat. 11° N. or rather to Rio de Nuno, not quite a degree farther south; but it is highly probable that the southern limit of discovery in his time extended to Cabo Verga, in lat. 10° N. the northern boundary of the country usually called the Sierra Liona, or the Ridge of Lions, perhaps to the gulf of Mitomba, or bay of Sierra Liona, in lat. 8° 30' N. an extent of 29° 15' of latitude, or 1185 nautical miles; a mere nothing certainly when compared with modern navigation, but a wonderful effort in the infancy of the science, when even coasting voyages of any extent along well known shores, and in frequented seas, were looked upon as considerable efforts. No brilliant discovery, indeed, rewarded the perseverance of Don Henry, and the courage of his servants; but an indestructible foundation of useful knowledge was laid, for overthrowing the ignorant prejudices of the age, and by which, not long afterwards, his plans were perfected by completing the circumnavigation of Africa, and by the discovery of the New World. Dr Vincent, the learned editor and commentator of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, is disposed to limit the discoveries of Don Henry to Cape Verd[2], but Ramusio believed that the Island of St Thomas was settled in his time; and the ingenious translator of the Lusiad of Camoens is of opinion that some of his commanders passed beyond the equator[3]. According to Mickle, it was the custom of his navigators to leave his motto, Talent de bien faire , wherever they came; and in 1525 Loaya, a Spanish captain, found that device carved on the bark of a tree in the island of St Matthew, or Anabon, in the second degree of southern latitude. But this proof is quite inconclusive, as the navigators long reared in the school of this great prince might naturally enough continue his impress upon the countries they visited, even after his lamented death.

[2] Peripl. of the Erythr. Sea, 193.

[3] Hist. of the Disc. of India, prefixed to the translation of the Lusiad, I. 158.

About seven years before the decease of Don Henry, two voyages were made to the African coast by Alvise da Cada Mosto, a Venetian navigator, under the auspices of the Duke of Viseo; but which we have chosen to separate from the historical deduction of the Portuguese discoveries, principally because they contain the oldest nautical journal extant, except those already given in our First Part from the pen of the great Alfred, and are therefore peculiarly valuable in a work of this nature. Their considerable length, likewise, and because they were not particularly conducive to the grand object of extending the maritime discoveries, have induced us to detach them from the foregoing narrative, that we might carry it down unbroken to the death of the great Don Henry. These voyages, likewise, give us an early picture of the state of population, civilization, and manners of the Africans, not to be met with elsewhere.

To this we subjoin an abstract of the narrative of a voyage made by Pedro de Cintra, a Portuguese captain, to the coast of Africa, drawn up for Cada Mosto, at Lagos, by a young Portuguese who had been his secretary, and who had accompanied Cintra in his voyage. The exact date of this voyage is nowhere given; but as the death of Don Henry is mentioned in the narrative, it probably took place in that year, 1463.