Chapter 4 THE PURPOSE DEVELOPED AND ACCOMPLISHED.

The summer of 1829 was spent at Kinnordy, when the quarries of Kirriemuir and the neighbouring districts were visited from time to time, the workmen being encouraged to look out for the remains of plants and the scales of fishes. Murchison, however, was again travelling on the Continent, and, in company with Sedgwick, was exploring the geological structure of the Eastern Alps and the basin of the Danube.

They appear to have kept up communication with Lyell, who hears with satisfaction of the results of their work, since these cannot fail to keep Murchison sound in the Uniformitarian faith and to complete the conversion of Sedgwick.[29]

"The latter" (Lyell writes to Dr. Fleming) "was astonished at finding what I had satisfied myself of everywhere, that in the more recent tertiary groups great masses of rock, like the different members of our secondaries, are to be found. They call the grand formation in which they have been working sub-Apennine. Vienna falls into it. I suspect it is a shade older, as the sub-Apennines are several shades older than the Sicilian tertiaries. They have discovered an immensely thick conglomerate, 500 feet of compact marble-like limestone, a great thickness of oolite, not distinguishable from Bath oolite, an upper red sand and conglomerate, etc. etc., all members of that group zoologically sub-Apennine. This is glorious news for me.... It chimes in well with making old red transition mountain limestone and coal, and as much more as we can, one epoch, for when Nature sets about building in one place, she makes a great batch there.... All the freshwater, marine, and other groups of the Paris basin are one epoch, at the farthest not more separated than the upper and lower chalk."

A letter to the same correspondent, written nearly three weeks later, at the end of October, and after his return to London, refers to the consequences of this journey.[30]

"Sedgwick and Murchison are just returned, the former full of magnificent views. Throws overboard all the diluvian hypothesis; is vexed he ever lost time about such a complete humbug; says he lost two years by having also started a Wernerian. He says primary rocks are not primary, but, as Hutton supposed, some igneous, some altered secondary. Mica schist in Alps lies over organic remains. No rock in the Alps older than lias.[31] Much of Buckland's dashing paper on Alps wrong. A formation (marine) found at foot of Alps, between Danube and Rhine, thicker than all the English secondaries united. Munich is in it. Its age probably between chalk and our oldest tertiaries. I have this moment received a note from C. Prévost by Murchison. He has heard with delight and surprise of their Alpine novelties, and, alluding to them and other discoveries, he says: 'Comme nous allons rire de nos vieilles idées! Comme nous allons nous moquer de nous-mêmes!' At the same time he says: 'If in your book you are too hard on us on this side the Channel, we will throw at you some of old Brongniart's "metric and peponary blocks" which float in that general and universal diluvium, and have been there "depuis le grand jour qui a separé, d'une manière si tranchée, les temps ante-des-temps Post-Diluviens."'"

A short time afterwards, in a letter addressed to Mr. Leonard Horner, Lyell declines to become a candidate for the Professorship of Geology and Mineralogy at the London University,[32] which was first opened in the autumn of the previous year. Evidently he considers himself to be too fully occupied, for he writes to Dr. Mantell on December 5th that his book has taken a definite shape.[33] "I am bound hand and foot. In the press on Monday next with my work, which Murray is going to publish-2 vols.-the title, 'Principles of Geology: being an Attempt to Explain the Former Changes of the Earth's Surface by Reference to Causes now in Operation.' The first volume will be quite finished by the end of the month. The second is, in a manner, written, but will require great recasting. I start for Iceland by the end of April, so time is precious." The process of incubation was continued throughout the winter. On February 3rd, 1830, he had corrected the press as far as the eightieth page, getting on slowly, but with satisfaction to himself. "How much more difficult it is," he remarks, "to write for general readers than for the scientific world; yet half our savants think that to write popularly would be a condescension to which they might bend if they would." He fully expects that the publication of his book will bring a hornet's nest about his head, but he has determined that, when the first volume is attacked, he will waste no money on pamphleteering, but will work on steadily at the second volume, and then, if the book is a success, at the second edition, for "controversy is interminable work." He felt now that the facts of nature were on his side, and his conclusions right in the main; so, like most strong men, he adopted the same course as did the founder of Marischal College, Aberdeen, and wrote over the door of his study, "Lat them say."

The plan of a summer tour in Iceland fell through; so did another for a long journey from St. Petersburg by Moscow to the Sea of Azof, to be followed by an examination of the Crimea and the Great Steppe, and a return up the Danube to Vienna; but by the middle of June the first volume of the "Principles" was nearly finished; and in a letter to Scrope,[34] to whom advance sheets of the book had been forwarded, in order that he might review it in the Quarterly, Lyell explains concisely the position which he has taken in regard to cosmology and the earth's history.

"Probably there was a beginning-it is a metaphysical question, worthy a theologian-probably there will be an end. Species, as you say, have begun and ended-but the analogy is faint and distant. Perhaps it is an analogy, but all I say is, there are, as Hutton said, 'no signs of a beginning, no prospect of an end.' Herschel thought the nebul? became worlds. Davy said in his last book, 'It is always more probable that the new stars become visible, and then invisible, and pre-existed, than that they are created and extinguished.' So I think. All I ask is, that at any given period of the past, don't stop inquiry when puzzled by refuge to a beginning, which is all one with 'another state of nature,' as it appears to me. But there is no harm in your attacking me, provided you point out that it is the proof I deny, not the probability of a beginning. Mark, too, my argument, that we are called upon to say in each case, 'Which is now most probable, my ignorance of all possible effects of existing causes,' or that 'the beginning' is the cause of this puzzling phenomenon?"

In other parts of the letter he refers to his theory of the dependence of the climate of a region upon the geography, not only upon its latitude, but also upon the distribution of land and sea, and that of the coincidence of time between zoological and geographical changes in the past, as the most novel parts of the book; stating also that he has been careful to refer to all authors from whom he has borrowed, and that to Scrope himself he is under more obligation, so far as he knows, than to any other geologist. The concluding words also are interesting:-

"I conceived the idea five or six years ago, that if ever the Mosaic geology could be set down without giving offence, it would be in an historical sketch, and you must abstract mine in order to have as little to say as possible yourself. Let them feel it, and point the moral."

The last-named difficulty, to which Lyell refers in another part of this letter, was undoubtedly one of the most formidable "rocks ahead" in the path of his new book. Up to that time the progress of geology had been most seriously impeded by the supposed necessity of making its results harmonise with the Mosaic cosmogony. It was assumed as an axiom that the opening chapters of Genesis were to be understood in the strict literal sense of the words, and that to admit the possibility of misconceptions or mistakes in matters wholly beyond the cognisance of the writers, was a denial of the inspiration of Scripture, and was rank blasphemy. A large number of persons-among whom are the great mass of amateur theologians, together with some experts-are always very prone to assume the meaning of certain fundamental terms to be exactly that which they desire, and then to proceed deductively to a conclusion as if their questionable postulates were axiomatic truths. They further assume, very commonly, that the possession of theological knowledge-scanty and superficial though it may be-enables them to dispense with any study of science, and to pronounce authoritatively on the value of evidence which they are incapable of weighing, and of conclusions which they are too ignorant to test. Being thus, in their own opinion, infallible, a freedom of expression is, for them, more than permissible, which, in most other matters, would be generally held to transgress the limits of courtesy and to trespass on those of vituperation. Lyell had perceived that little real progress could be made till geologists were free to look facts in the face and to follow their guidance to whatever conclusions these might lead, irrespective of supposed consequences; or that, in other words, questions of science must be settled by inductive reasoning from accurate observations, and not by an appeal to the opinions of the men of olden time, however great might be the sanctity of their characters or the honour due to their memories. Wisely, however, he determined to prefer an indirect to a direct method of attack, and to avoid, so far as was possible, giving needlessly any cause of offence by abruptness of statement or by intemperance of language.

In deluges, the favourite resort of every "catastrophic" geologist, Lyell had long lost faith, and he laughs in one of his letters at the idea of a French geologist, that a sudden upheaval of South America may have been the cause of the Noachian flood. To the breaks in the succession of strata, a fact upon which the catastrophists much relied, he attached comparatively little value, insisting on their more or less local character. In the records of the rocks he finds no trace of a clean sweep of living creatures or of anything like a general clearance of the earth's surface, and no corroboration of the Mosaic cosmogony. He is bent on interpreting the work of Nature in the past by the work of Nature in the present, and not by the writings of the Fathers, or even by the words of Scripture itself.

Some time in the month of June the last sheet of the "Principles" must have been sent to press; for on the 25th of that month Lyell writes from Havre on his way to Bordeaux, through part of Normandy, Brittany, and La Vendée. This journey took him, as he says, "through some of the finest countries and most detestable roads he ever saw." On this occasion he was accompanied by a Captain Cooke, a commander in the Royal Navy; a man well informed, acquainted with Spain (the end of their journey), a botanist, and not wholly ignorant of geology-in short, an excellent companion, whose only fault was being "a little too fond of lagging a day for rest," even in places where nothing is to be done. Writing from Bordeaux to a sister, Lyell expresses a hope that at Bagnères de Luchon he may hear whether his book is out.[35] Two passages in his letter are not without a more general interest. One repeats a remark made to him by D'Aubuisson, whom he describes as "a great gun of the old Wernerian school, who ... thinks the interest of the subject greatly destroyed by our new innovation, especially our having almost cut mineralogy and turned it into a zoological science."[36] D'Aubuisson also said, "We Catholic geologists flatter ourselves that we have kept clear of the mixing of things sacred and profane, but the three great Protestants, De Luc, Cuvier, and Buckland, have not done so; have they done good to science or to religion? No, but some say they have to themselves by it." The other remark is interesting in its reference to French politics, seeing that it is dated on the 9th of July, 1830. It runs thus[37]:-

"The quiet and perfect order and calmness that reigned at Bourbon, Vendée, and Bordeaux and Toulouse during the heat of the elections, afford a noble example to us-never were people in a greater state of excitement on political grounds than the French at this moment, yet never in our country towns were Assizes conducted with more seriousness and quiet. There is no occasion to make the rabble drunk. All the voters of the little colleges are of the rank of shopkeepers at least, those of the highest are gentlemen-only 20,000 of them out of the 30 millions of French. They are too many for such jobbing as in a Scotch county, and too independent and rich to have the feelings of a mob."

Yet at the end of this month came the "three days of July"; "perfect order and calmness" were at an end; Charles X. abdicated the throne, and the Bourbons again became exiles from France.

From Toulouse Lyell and his companion journeyed by the banks of the Ariège to the picturesque old town of Foix, and from this place to Ax, a watering-place on one of the tributaries to that river, in the heart of the Pyrenees. His keen eye notes at once the difference between the scenery of this chain and that of the Alps. Apart from the different character of the vegetation-the more luxuriant flora, the extensive forests of beech and oak at elevations where in Switzerland only the pines and larches would flourish-the valleys are narrower, the mountains more precipitous-the scenery, in short, is more like that around Interlaken or in the valley of Lauterbrunnen, without the lakes of the one or the grand background of snowy peaks in the other. In the Pyrenees the inferior height and the more southern position of the chain diminishes the snowfields and curtails the glaciers, so that the torrents run with purer waters, like they do in the Alps about the birthplace of the Po.

In order to acquire a clear idea of the structure of the Pyrenees the travellers crossed from Ax to the southern side of the watershed, though they still remained on French territory; for here, in the neighbourhood of Andorre, the frontier cuts off the heads of one or two valleys which geographically form part of Spain. Into this country they had purposed to descend, but the obstacles interposed by the reactionary jealousy of local Dogberries and the possible risks from political complications were so great, that they judged it wiser to abandon the attempt. So the travellers separated for a time, Captain Cooke, who feared the heat of the lower country, going eastwards through the curious little mountain republic of Andorre to Luchon; while Lyell, who seems to have been proof against the sun, recrossed the watershed into the valley of the Tet and descended it to Perpignan. Information obtained in this town encouraged him to go direct to Barcelona, where the Captain-General, the Conde D'Espagne, a distinguished soldier and diplomatist, gave him a courteous reception, and did everything in his power to smooth the way for a visit to Olot, a region of extinct volcanoes, which had been one of the chief ends of Lyell's journey. The expedition was successful; he did not fall among thieves, and was only annoyed by the tedious formalities and petty impertinences of the local functionaries of northern Spain; and he returned to France by a pass on the eastern side of the Canigou. He was not a little astonished, as might be expected from the remarks already quoted, when he found on arriving in that country that the reign of the Bourbons and the priests was over, the tricolor flag was hoisted on all the churches, and the royalist officials had been replaced by the nominees of the National Government.

The visit to Olot amply repaid him for the toil and trouble of the journey. An account of the district was inserted in the concluding volume of the "Principles," which was afterwards incorporated into the "Elements of Geology." The following summary is quoted from a letter to Scrope, who had suggested the visit, which was written from Luchon, where he arrived a few days after his return into France[38]:-

"Like those of the Vivarais [the volcanoes of Catalonia] are all, both cones and craters, subsequent to the existence of the actual hills and dales, or, in other words, no alteration of previously existing levels accompanied or has followed the introduction of the volcanic matter, except such as the matter erupted necessarily occasioned. The cones, at least fourteen of them mostly with craters, stand like Monpezat, and as perfect; the currents flow down where the rivers would be if not displaced. But here, as in the Vivarais, deep sections have been cut through the lava by streams much smaller in general, and at certain points the lava is fairly cut through, and even in two or three cases the subjacent rock. Thus at Castel Follet, a great current near its termination is cut through, and eighty or ninety feet of columnar basalt laid open, resting on an old alluvium, not containing volcanic pebbles; and below that, nummulitic limestone is eroded to the depth of twenty-five feet, the river now being about thirty-five feet lower than when the lava flowed, though most of the old valley is still occupied by the lava current. There are about fourteen or perhaps twenty points of eruption without craters. In all cases they burst through secondary limestone and sandstone, no altered rocks thrown up, as far as I could learn, not a dike exposed. A linear direction in the cones and points of eruption from north to south. Until some remains of quadrupeds are found, or other organic medals found, no guess can be made as to their geological date, unless anyone will undertake to say when the valleys of that district were excavated. As to historical dates, that is all a fudge ... I can assure you that there never was an eruption within memory of man."

At Luchon Lyell rejoined Captain Cooke, and they visited one or two interesting spots in the more western part of the Pyrenees, such as the Cirque de Gavarnie and the Brèche de Roland. The former would afford object-lessons on the erosive action of cascades; the latter would set him speculating on the causes which could have fashioned that strange portal in the limestone crest of the mountain. They descended some distance on the Spanish side of the Brèche, in order to make a more complete investigation of the structure of the chain, sleeping at a shepherd's hut and returning across the snowfields next day. It is evident that whenever there was a hope of securing any geological information or of seeing some remarkable aspect of nature, Lyell was almost insensible either to heat or to fatigue.

Towards the middle of September he had reached Bayonne, from which place another very interesting letter is despatched to Scrope.[39] In this he gives suggestions for making a number of experiments in order to produce by artificial means such rock-structures as lamination, ripple-mark, and current-bedding, and describes briefly a series of observations bearing on these questions, which had been carried out both during his late journey and on other occasions. "I have," he says, "for a long time been making minute drawings of the lamination and stratification of beds, in formations of very different ages, first with a view to prove to demonstration that at every epoch the same identical causes were in operation. I was next led in Scotland to a suspicion, since confirmed, that all the minute regularities and irregularities of stratification and lamination were preserved in primary clay-slate, mica-slate, gneiss, etc., showing that they had been subjected to the same general and even accidental circumstances attending the sedimentary accumulation of secondary and fossil-bearing formations.[40] Lastly, I came to find out that all these various characters were identical with those presented by the bars, deltas, etc., of existing rivers, estuaries, etc."

Early in October Lyell is back again in Paris, to find Louis Philippe seated on the throne in the place of Charles X., and a war party "praying night and day for the entry of the Prussians into Belgium in the hope of the French being drawn into the affair. A finer opportunity, they say, could not have happened for resuming our natural limits on the Rhine." In the midst of political changes and warlike aspirations geology, he observes, is not making much progress in Paris. Some of the naturalists have "got their heads too full of politics"; others are forced to work as literary hacks in order to live. "Books on natural history and medicine have no sale; there is a demand only for political pamphlets." So Lyell enters into an engagement with Deshayes, who, like so many others, has to live by his pen lest he should starve by science, for "a private course of fossil conchology," and for two months' work after Lyell has returned to England, to be spent in tabulating the species of Tertiary shells in his own (Deshayes') and the other great collections of Paris. "I shall thus," Lyell says, "be giving the subject a decided push by rendering the greater wealth of the French collectors available in illustrating the greater experience of the English geologists in actual observation; for here they sit still and buy shells, and work indoors, as much as we travel." He also remarks to the same correspondent (a sister): "I am nearly sure now that my grand theory of temperature will carry the day.... I will treat our geologists with a theory for the newer deposits in next volume, which, although not half so original, will perhaps surprise them more."[41] He was expecting, as another letter shows, to prove the gradual approximation of the fauna preserved in the Tertiary deposits to that which still exists, and to settle, as he hopes "for ever, the question whether species come in all at a batch or are always going out and coming in." Already he is in a position to affirm that the Tertiary formations of Sicily in all probability are more recent than the "crags" of England, for, among the sixty-three species which he had collected from the beds underlying Etna, only three were not known to be still inhabitants of the Mediterranean; and besides this, between these "crags" and the London clay a series of formations can be intercalated. In the same letter (to Scrope)[42] he states that Deshayes has found, at St. Mihiel on the Meuse, three old needles of limestone, like those in the Isle of Wight, round which run three distinct lines of perforations, like those on the columns of the "Temple of Serapis;" these hollows being "sometimes empty, but thousands of them filled with saxicavas." This, of course, was a proof that there had been, in comparatively recent times, important changes in the level of the land and sea.

Early in November Lyell is back in London, at his chambers in Crown Office Row, Temple, to find that Scrope's review of the first volume of the "Principles" has been much admired, that the book is selling steadily, and is likely to prove "as good as an annuity"; that it has not been seriously attacked by the "Diluvialists," while it has been highly praised by the bulk of geologists. He is about to move, he writes, into chambers in Raymond Buildings, Gray's Inn, which are "very light, healthy and good, on the same staircase as Broderip." Invitations to dinner are becoming frequent, but he wisely determines to go but little into society. "All my friends," he says, "who are in practice do this all the year and every year, and I do not see why I should not be privileged, now that I have the moral certainty of earning a small but honourable independence if I labour as hard for the next ten years as during the last three. I was never in better health, rarely so good, and after so long a fallow I feel that a good crop will be yielded and that I am in good train for composition."[43] The second volume, he hopes, will be out in six months; this will include the history of the globe to the beginning of the Tertiary era, when the first of existing species appeared.

The next year, 1831, was an epoch marked by more than one change. To take the smallest first, he was made a deputy-lieutenant of the county of Forfar; next, in March, he was elected Professor of Geology at King's College, London, which had been recently founded by members of the Church of England as an educational counterpoise to the University of London (University College). To Lyell himself the appointment was comparatively unimportant, but it indicated that wider views on scientific questions and a more tolerant spirit were gaining ground among the higher ranks of the clergy in the Established Church. The appointment was in the hands, exclusively, of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London and of Llandaff, and two "strictly orthodox doctors." Llandaff, Lyell was informed, hesitated, but Conybeare,[44] though opposed to Lyell's theories, vouched for his orthodoxy. So the prelates declared that they "considered some of my doctrines startling enough, but could not find that they were come by otherwise than in a straight-forward manner, and (as I appeared to think) logically deducible from the facts; so that whether the facts were true or not, or my conclusions logical or otherwise, there was no reason to infer that I had made my theory from any hostile feeling towards revelation"[45]-a conclusion, marked by a wise caution, which representatives of the Church of England would have done well to bear in mind on more than one subsequent occasion-such as, for example, when the question of the antiquity of man or that of the origin of species was raised. But supporters of the Church of England may fairly maintain that in difficult crises, especially in those connected with discoveries in science or in history, the utterances of her bishops have been generally cautious and far-seeing; displays of confident ignorance and rash denunciations are more common among the "inferior clergy." As a comment on the moderation indicated by his election, Lyell says that a friend in the United States affirms that there "he could hardly dare to approve of the doctrines even in a review, such a storm would the orthodox raise against him. So much for toleration of Church Establishment and No Church Establishment countries." A third event of the year-which also happened in the earlier part of it-was destined to exercise a much more lasting influence upon his life. This was his engagement to Miss Mary Horner, eldest daughter of Mr. Leonard Horner, the younger and hardly less distinguished brother of Francis Horner, who, while almost as enthusiastic a geologist as his future son-in-law, took an active interest in educational questions, and afterwards did public service as Inspector of Factories.

By the middle of June Lyell had advanced as far as page 110 in printing the second volume of the "Principles of Geology," notwithstanding interruptions, such as a visit to Cambridge, where he took an ad eundem degree,[46] and the presence of his father and brother, as well as of his friend Conybeare, in London, all of whom required to be lionised. The letter[47] (to Mantell) which refers to these impediments, passes abruptly from Fitton's broken arm to the giant femur of a new reptile, and incidentally mentions the discovery of a section which has since become a centre of geological controversy. "Murchison and his wife," he writes, "are gone to make a tour in Wales, where a certain Trimmer has found near Snowdon 'crag' shells at a height of 1,000 feet, which Buckland and he convey thither by the deluge." The shells are at an altitude above sea-level considerably higher than Lyell supposed. Moel Tryfaen is a massive, rather outlying hill, about five miles west of the peak of Snowdon, and at about the same distance from the nearest part of the sea-coast. Its bare summit rises gently to a scattered group of projecting crags, the highest of which is 1,401 feet above the sea. On the eastern side are extensive slate quarries, and in working these the shell beds are disclosed a short distance below the summit. They consist of well-stratified sands, with occasional gravelly beds, and contain a fair number of shells, both broken and whole, the fauna being slightly more arctic than that which still inhabits the neighbouring sea. The deposit is now recognised as more recent than the "crags" of East Anglia, for none of the species are extinct, and is assigned to some part of the so-called Glacial Epoch. It was before long regarded as an indication that, at no very remote date after North Wales had assumed or very nearly assumed its present outlines, the whole district was depressed for at least 1,380 feet, so that the sea broke over the summit crags of Moel Tryfaen. For many years this interpretation passed unquestioned; but a modern school of geologists has found it to be such an inconvenient obstacle to certain hypotheses about the former extent of land-ice, that they maintain these shells were collected from the bed of the Irish Sea (then supposed to be above water) by an ice-sheet as it was on its way from the north to invade the Principality, and were conveyed by it, with all care, up the slopes of Moel Tryfaen, till they were finally deposited on its summit, in beds which somehow or other were stratified. One may venture to doubt whether the hypothesis of a rampant and conchologically-disposed ice-sheet would have found much more favour with the cautiously inductive mind of Lyell than that of a deluge.

Shortly after this letter, Lyell, though all the manuscript of his second volume had not yet been sent to the printers, and proof-sheets followed him, refreshed himself with a tour of four or five weeks in the volcanic district of the Eifel. Here the cones, all comparatively low, are scattered sporadically over a rolling upland which occupies the angle between the Rhine and the Moselle. The valleys for the most part are carved out of slaty rocks much of the same age as those of Devonshire; and the craters, "strange holes, each eruption having been almost invariably at some new point," are now very commonly occupied by quiet pools of water, such as Lyell had already seen in the old volcanic districts of the Papal States. Among these craters, composed sometimes of loose and light scoria, from which no lava-stream ever flowed, he found fresh evidence-as at the Rotherberg-against the diluvian hypothesis. "It is," as he writes to his friend, Dr. Fleming, "one of the ten thousand proofs of the incubus that the Mosaic deluge has been, and is, I fear, long destined to be, on our science. Now, I am fully determined to open my strongest fire against the new diluvial theory of swamping our continents by waves raised by paroxysmal earthquakes. I can prove by reference to cones (hundreds of uninjured cones) of loose volcanic scori? and ashes, of various and some of great antiquity (as proved by associated organic remains), that no such general waves have swept over Europe during the Tertiary era-cones at almost every height, from near the sea, to thousands of feet above it."[48]

But early in August he was back in London, hard at work in writing and correcting proofs. This business detained him longer than he anticipated, but his labours were cheered by the news of the eruption of Graham's Island. Here was another case in support of the thesis which he was ready to maintain against all comers. But a few months since there had been a depth of eighty fathoms, as was proved by sounding, on the site of this island. Now the cone "is 200 feet above water and is still growing.[49] Here is a hill 680 feet, with hope of more, and the probability of much having been done before the 'Britannia' sounded." Surely Nature herself was testifying "her approbation of the advocates of modern causes! Was the cross which Constantine saw in the heavens a more clear indication of the approaching conversion of a wavering world?"

But in the beginning of September Lyell broke away from the emissaries of the press and took passage by sea to Edinburgh, there to combine business with a fair amount of both scientific work and social pleasure. This visit afforded him an opportunity of hearing Chalmers preach. In a letter to Miss Horner he gives a brief abstract, and expresses his general opinion of the sermon[50]:-

"It was a very long discourse, but admirable. The subject was 'repentance,' a hackneyed one enough.... He explained the effect of habit, and its increasing power over the mind, as a law of our nature, with as much clearness and as philosophically as he could have done had he been explaining the doctrine to a class of university students in a lecture on the philosophy of the human mind. But then the practical application was enforced by a strain of real eloquence, of a very energetic, natural, and striking description.... But, unfortunately, every here and there he seemed to feel that he was sinning against some of the Calvinistic doctrines of his school, and all at once there was some dexterous pleading about 'original sin,' which interfered a little with the free current of the discourse.... Upon the whole, however, judging from this single specimen, I think I would sooner hear him again than any preacher I ever heard, Reginald Heber not excepted."

At this time Lyell was keeping a journal, which was forwarded to Miss Horner, then in Germany, to serve apparently as a substitute for ordinary letters; home news, disturbances arising from the struggle over the Reform Bill, visits of friends, geological researches, walks on the hills to search for plants or for insects, the habits of the Kinnordy bees, or the accomplishments of two parrots, brought from Africa by his naval brother-all being jotted down just as they occurred.

Among this farrago-though not of nonsense-geological topics, since Miss Horner had similar tastes, occupy a considerable space. She, however, evidently was, comparatively speaking, a beginner, and in one or two characteristic sentences her lover and preceptor passes from information to counsel: "If you are not frightened by De la Beche, I think you are in a fair way to be a geologist; though it is in the field only that a person can really get to like the stiff part of it. Not that there is really anything in it that is not very easy, when put into plainer language than scientific writers choose often unnecessarily to employ." He also records[51] a piece of advice from his old friend, Dr. Fleming, which is enough to make a modern professor of geology sigh for "the good old times." He said to Lyell:

"If you lecture once a year for a short course, I am sure you will derive advantage from it. A short practice of lecturing is a rehearsal of what you may afterwards publish, and teaches you by the contact with pupils how to instruct, and in what you are obscure. A little of this will improve your power, perhaps as an author. Then, as you are pursuing a path of original and purely independent discovery and observation, it increases much your public usefulness in a science so unavoidably controversial to have thrown over you the moral protection of being in a public and responsible situation, connected with a body like King's College. But then you must stipulate that you are to be free to travel, and must only be bound to give one short course annually."

Truly those must have been halcyon days for professors!

The journal also proves, by its brief account of a Scotch festival, which accords with little hints dropped elsewhere in it or in letters, that our forefathers, not wholly excluding men of science, some sixty years ago habitually consumed much more "strong drink" than would be considered correct at the present day:-

"It was just an Angus set-to of the old régime. They arrived at half-past six o'clock and waited dinner one hour. Gentlemen rejoined the ladies at half-past twelve o'clock! They, in the meantime, had had tea, and a regular supper laid out in the drawing-room. After an hour with the ladies they returned to the dining-room to supper at half-past one o'clock, and my father left them at half-past two o'clock! The ladies did not go to this supper."

The journal, in short, like the well-known Scotch dish, affords a great deal of "confused feeding" of a pleasant sort, but no samples of love-making. The nearest approach to it is in the following passage, which is worth quoting, not for that reason, but as incidentally disclosing the strength of the author's character:-

"I shall write a few words before I get into the steamboat just to tranquillise my mind a little, after reading several controversial articles by Elie de Beaumont and others against my system. If I find myself growing too warm or annoyed at such hostile demonstrations I shall always retreat to you. You will be my harbour of peace to retire to, and where I may forget the storm. I know that by persevering steadily I shall some years hence stand very differently from where I now am in science; and my only danger is the being impatient, and tempted to waste my time on petty controversies and quarrels about the priority of the discovery of this or that fact or theory."[52]

Friends in plenty were awaiting him in London, which was reached about the first of November: the Murchisons and Somervilles, Broderip, Curtis, Basil Hall, and Hooker, with Necker from Switzerland, and many more. He is also cheered by finding that his ideas are steadily gaining ground among geologists, converts becoming more confident, unbelievers more uneasy. He made good progress with his book, and realised, before the end of the year, that his materials could not be compressed into a single volume; so he determined to issue the part already completed as a second volume, and to finish the work in a third.

From time to time the diary contains references to a recent contest for the Presidency of the Royal Society, and to political matters such as the Reform Bill; but, though in favour of the latter, he is not very enthusiastic on the subject, for on one occasion he expresses regret at having been absent, through forgetfulness, from a meeting of the Geographical Society, where he would have "got some sound information instead of hearing politicians discuss the interminable bill."

The lectures at King's College evidently weighed upon his mind as they drew near, and he was not stirred to enthusiasm by the prospect of teaching; for towards the close of the year he more than once debated with his friends the question whether or no he should retain the appointment. Murchison was in favour of resignation; Conybeare took the opposite view. Of his advice Lyell remarks, "The fact is, Conybeare's notion of these things is what the English public have not yet come up to, which, if they had, the geological professorship in London would be a worthy aim for any man's ambition, whereas it is now one that the multitude would rather wonder at one's accepting."[53] The British public apparently still lags a long way behind the Conybearian ideal, and retains its contempt for all those who, by presuming to teach, insinuate doubts as to its innate omniscience.

Lyell, however, clearly perceived that it was absolutely necessary that every teacher of professorial rank should be himself a pioneer in his subject-a fact of which government officials, as a rule, seem to be totally ignorant. His comments, a little later in the year, on the arrangements at the University of Bonn are worth recording. "The Professors have to lecture for nine months in the year-too much, I should think, for allowing time for due advancement of the teacher." Lyell's desires in regard to remuneration seem reasonable enough. He is anxious to earn by his scientific work enough to provide for the extra expenses which this work entails, and yet to command sufficient time to advance his knowledge and reputation. The fates proved more propitious to him than they are generally to men of science, for he succeeded in accomplishing both of his desires.

Little of importance happened during the early part of 1832. There was plenty of hard work in collecting facts, in consulting friends about special difficulties, and in working at the manuscript for the third volume of the "Principles," for the second made its appearance almost with the new year. Toil was sweetened by occasional pleasures, such as an evening with the Somervilles, or a dinner party at the Murchisons, a talk with Babbage or Fitton, or a symposium at the Geological Club, at which it is sometimes evident that good care was taken lest science should become too dry. One passage in his diary indicates that sixty years have considerably changed the habits of life in town and in the country, for at the present day most people would express themselves in the opposite sense. "I have enjoyed parties and two plays this month very much, because it was recreation stolen from work; but the difficulty in the country is that, on the contrary, one's hours of work are stolen from dissipation."

The lectures at King's College were begun in May. Lyell evidently was not a nervous man, but he regarded the near approach of this new kind of work with some trepidation, and admits that he slept ill before the first lecture. It was, however, a decided success in every respect, and the audience was a large one, for the Council, after some hesitation, had permitted the attendance of ladies. Each lecture was pronounced by the hearers to be better than the last, and Lyell uses the opportunity, as he says, to fire occasional shots at Buckland, Sedgwick, and others who are still hankering after catastrophic convulsions and all-but universal deluges. As a further encouragement, his publisher, Murray, agrees willingly to a reprint of the first volume of the "Principles," and only hesitates between an edition of 750 or of 1,000 copies. About this time, also, he was asked to undertake the presidency of the Geological Society, but that, notwithstanding Murchison's urgency, he firmly declined for the present; writing of it to Miss Horner, "It is just one of those temptations the resisting of which decides whether a man shall really rise high or not in science. For two more years I am free from les affaires administratives, which, said old Brochart in his late letter to me, have prevented me from studying geology d'une manière suivie, whereby you have already carried it so far."

He was, however, soon to be engrossed in an "affair" of another kind; one which has proved very detrimental to the progress of many men of science, but which, in Lyell's case, had the happiest results, and smoothed rather than it impeded his path to fame; for in the summer-on July 12th-he ceased to be a bachelor. The marriage was celebrated at Bonn, where Miss Horner's family were still resident. A Lutheran clergyman seems to have officiated, and the ceremony was a very quiet one; the distance from home preventing the attendance of English friends or even of relations of the bridegroom.

The newly-married couple departed from Bonn up the Rhine, and travelled by successive stages to Heidelberg, but they were not forgetful of geology, even in the first week of the honeymoon, for they visited as they journeyed more than one interesting section on the western edge of the Odenwald. Then they made excursions to Carlsruhe and Baden-Baden, and ultimately travelled from Freiburg to Schaffhausen through the romantic defiles of the H?llenthal, and across the corner of the Black Forest. A journal was now needless, and probably the newly-married couple were too much engrossed with their own happiness to write many letters, for few details have been preserved about their Swiss tour. It was, however, comparatively a short one, for they remained less than a fortnight in the country. Still Lyell probably found it useful in refreshing recollections and testing his early impressions by greatly increased knowledge and experience. From the valley of the Rhone they crossed the Simplon Pass into Italy and followed the usual road to Milan along the shore of the Lago Maggiore.

How long they remained in Italy, or by what route they returned to England, is not stated; indeed, for nearly six months next to nothing is on record concerning Lyell's movements or work, but in the beginning of 1833 he and his wife were settled in London at No. 16, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, which became their residence for some years. A state of happiness is not always indicated by much correspondence: probably it was so with Lyell; at any rate, a single letter, dated January 5th, gives the only information of his doings between September, 1832, and April, 1833. In this letter, however, he mentions that the Council of King's College had decided that in future ladies should not be admitted to Lyell's lectures, and that, in consequence, he had received a pressing invitation from the managers of the Royal Institution to give, after Easter, a course of six or eight lectures in their theatre, coupled with the offer of a substantial remuneration.

At the end of April, as he tells his old friend Mantell, both these courses had been begun. The one at the Royal Institution was attended by an audience of about 250, that at King's College, after the opening lecture, dropped down to a class of fifteen. The falling-off was entirely due to the above-named resolution. For this the Council had assigned a reason, which, perhaps, was not a prudent course, for bodies of that kind, when they give reasons, often succeed only in "giving themselves away." The presence of ladies was forbidden, "because it diverted the attention of the young students, of whom," Lyell remarks sarcastically, "I had two in number from the college last year and two this." Had the Council stated boldly that the College did not appoint professors to lecture urbi et orbi, their policy, though it would have appeared a little selfish and might have proved shortsighted, would have been defensible, because the institution was founded for the education of a particular class. But the reason assigned was open to Lyell's retort, and gave the impression of unreality. It is not impossible that the decision was the result of secret "wire-pulling," and represented not so much a fear of the disturbing influence of the fair sex as a dread of the popularity of the subject. Geology was still regarded with grave distrust by a very large number of people, and King's College, it must be remembered, was founded in the supposed interests of the Church of England and in the hope of neutralising the effects of the unsectarian institution in Gower Street. Many of its supporters may have been characterised rather by the ardour of their dislikes than by the width of their sympathies, and may have put pressure on the Council, so that this body may have considered it safer to risk driving a popular man from their staff than to alienate an important section of their adherents and to expose the College to the danger of being charged with lending itself to heretical teaching.[54]

The preparation of these lectures must have been attended with some difficulty, for Lyell writes that, "like all the world," he and his household-everyone except his wife-had been down with the influenza, which in that year was even more rampant in London than it has been in any of its recent visits. But, notwithstanding this and any other interruptions, the third and final volume of the "Principles of Geology" made its appearance in the month of May, 1833.

FOOTNOTES:

[29] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 255.

[30] Ut suprà, p. 256.

[31] Further work has not verified some of these statements. There can be no question that a great deal of rock in the Alps is much older than even the Trias. The apparent superposition of crystalline schists to rocks with fossils is due to over-folding or over-thrust faulting-i.e. the schists are the older rocks. Though the Secondary rocks of the Alps have undergone, in places, some modification and mineral changes, these are very different from the metamorphism of those crystalline schists which have a stratified origin.

[32] Now "University College," London, having been incorporated by Royal Charter under that title in November, 1836.

[33] Ut suprà, p. 258.

[34] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. pp. 269-271.

[35] When he left the publisher had not decided whether it should be issued at once or kept back till October.

[36] D'Aubuisson, as time has shown, foresaw a real danger. The neglect of, if not contempt for, mineralogy, which became conspicuous between the years 1840 and 1870, or thereabouts, seriously impeded the progress of geology, at any rate in England.

[37] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 276.

[38] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 283.

[39] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 296.

[40] Subsequent experience has shown that, while the above observations are beyond all question in the case of ordinary sedimentary rocks, structures curiously resembling lamination and ripple-mark may be produced in certain gneisses and crystalline schists by other causes. Still, in many schists, they have originated in the way suggested by Lyell, and indicate that the rock formerly was deposited by water.

[41] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 303.

[42] Ut suprà, p. 305.

[43] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 313.

[44] The Rev. W. D. Conybeare, afterwards Dean of Llandaff, an eminent geologist, rather senior to Lyell.

[45] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 316.

[46] It was formerly conceded by the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin that a Master of Arts in any one could assume, under certain conditions, the same position in the others. This carried with it some privileges, though not the suffrage and the full rights of the degree. Lyell had proceeded to the degree of M.A. at Oxford in 1821.

[47] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 318.

[48] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 328.

[49] Ut suprà, p. 329. By the end of October it had not only ceased to grow, but also had been nearly washed away by the sea. Now its position is marked by a shoal.

[50] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 331.

[51] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 342.

[52] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 347.

[53] Life, Letters, and Journals, vol. i. p. 358.

[54] Lyell resigned the Professorship after he had finished the course.

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